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4 Courland did not belong to the Reich, bu t it was governe d by a German dynasty.

5 Kellenbenz, Hermann, ‘Die Brandenburger auf St. Thomas’, Jahrbuch fur Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft u. Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 2 (1965) 196–217.Google ScholarVogt, Martin, ‘Brandenburg in Übersee. Kolonialplane deutscher Fürsten im 17. Jahrhundert’ in: Dipper, Christof, Vogt, Martin eds, Entdeckungen und frühe Kolonisation (= Schriftenreihe Wissenschaft und Technik 63) (Darmstadt 1993) 345–379. See alsoGoogle ScholarDuchhardt, Heinz, ‘Afrika und die deut-schen Kolonialprobleme der 2. Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 68 (1986) 119–135. August L. Schlözer, ‘Neu Deutschland oder Hanauisch Indien und D. Be-cher’ in:CrossRefGoogle ScholarSchlözer, A.L., Briefwechsel meist historischen und politischen Inhalts. Zweiter Teil VII–VIII (Göttingen 1777) 159–178.Google ScholarJacobi, Eduard, ‘Ein bayrisches Kolonialunternehmen im 17. Jahrhundert’, Beiträge zur Kolonialpolitik und Kolonialwirtschaft 5 (1903) 184–192 and 200–202.Google ScholarMattiesen, Otto H., Die Kolonial- und Überseepolitik der kurländischen Herzöge im 17. und 18. fahrhundert (= Schriftenreihe der Stadt der Auslandsdeutschen 6). Ed. by Auslands-institut der Auslandsdeutschen (Stuttgart 1940)Google Scholar.

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8 For the latest survey of the debates see: Kriedte, Peter, Medick, Hans,Schlumbohm, Jürgen, ‘Eine Forschungslandschaft in Bewegung. Die Proto-Industrialisierung am End e des 20. Jahrhunderts’, Jahrbuch fur Wirischaftgeschichte 1998/2 (special issue: Proto-Industrialisie-rung) 9–21Google Scholar.

9 Newman, Karin, Anglo-Hamburg Trade in the Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries (London PhD thesis 1979) 202.Google Scholar The author concludes: ‘In the eighteenth century more than ninety percent of imported Osnabrig linen was re-exported to the colonies.’ Ibid., 198–199.

10 Schmitz, Edith, Leinengewerbe und Leinenhandel in Nordwestdeutschland (= Schriften zur rhei-nisch-westfalischen Wirtschaftsgeschichte 8) (Cologne 1967) 33, 86, 92.Google Scholar

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14 Staatsarchiv der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg (SAH), Amiralitātskollegium, 371–372, F6, vol. 18. A great deal of the Hamburg trade was exonerated from customs duties. Nevertheless, the records, essentially covering the commission business, do reflect quite well th e relative shares of the different products in the total of th e Hambur g maritime trade. The volume consulted contains the records of the year 1753. Spot checks have shown that the general tendencies hardly altered durin g these years, unless wars caused significant deviations of the currents of commodities. For further information on this source see Weber, Klaus, ‘Les livres douaniers de l'amirauté de Hambourg au XVIIIe siècle, une source de grande valeur encore inexploitée’, Bulletin du Centre d'Histoire des Espaces Atlantiques, nouvelle série 9 (1999) 93–126.Google Scholar See also Schneider, Jürgen, Krawehl, Otto-Ernst, Denzel, Markus, Statistic des Hamburger seewärtigen Einfuhrhandelsim 18.Jahrhundert (St. Katharinen 2001)Google Scholar.

15 Chamboredon, Robert, ‘Une société de commerce languedocienne à Cadix: Simon et Arnail Fornier et Cie (Nov. 1768 - Mars 1786)’ in: González, Antonio García-Baquero ed., La burguesía de negocios en la Andalutía de la ilustracion II (Cadiz 1991) 35–53, see 35, 49.Google Scholar

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21 For example: Archives déartementales de la Gironde (Bordeaux), Archivo histórico provincial de Cádiz, Archivo Foral de Bilbao.

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25 The source did not include the Prussians with the Germans, but rather listed them with the Scandinavians.

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30 With the decline of Spain as a hegemonial power, these Frenchmen were to replace the Portuguese Sephardic community in Hamburg. With their excellent relations into the Iberic empires these Jewish merchants had been the city's principal suppliers of colonial goods from the New World. During the seventeenth century, they were well tolerated and respected within the walls of the Lutheran Hanseatic city - probably more respected than the few Catholic residents. By the end of this period, probably as a result of religious intolerance and criticism disguising economic interests, most of the Hamburg Sephardic Jews had left the lower Elbe to settle in Amsterdam, including most wealthy merchants like the Texeira family.

31 Prior to the 1790s, Hamburg customs records give hardly any account of Spanish supplies of the principal plantation product sugar. On the contrary, sugar was sent in smaller quantities from Hamburg to Spain. SAH, Amiralitätskollegium,.371–2, F6, vol. 18 (1753), vol. 20 (1755), vol. 23 (1762), vol. 24 (1763), vol. 25 (1769).

32 Wool and cotton manufacturing, some of which indicated patterns of proto-industrialisation, had developed even in some regions of Colonial Mexico and Peru, but due to the relatively high level of wages in Spanish America and to the restrictions on inter-colonial trade, their products were destined for local and regional markets only. From the early 1800s on, imports of cheap British cotton textile caused a decline of these textile economies. Thomson, Guy, ‘The Cotton Textile Industry in Puebla During the Eighteenth and. Early Nineteenth Centuries’ in: Jacobsen, Nils, Puhle, Hans-Jürgen eds, The Economies of Mexico and Peru During the Late Colonial Period, 1760–1810 (Berlin 1986) 169–202.Google Scholar Brook e Larson, ‘The Cotton Textile Industry of Cochabamba, 1770–1810: The Opportunities and Limits of Growth’ in: Jacobsen, , Puhle, , Economies, 151–168. For a survey seeGoogle ScholarMeiBner, jochen, ‘Zum Problem der Proto-Industrialisierung im kolonialen Hispano-Amerika’ (unpublished manuscript, c. 15 pp.)Google Scholar.

33 Weber, , Kaufmannsfamilien, 357–362, see map on 402.Google Scholar

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38 For Cadiz see Schlesinger, , Reisebeschreibung 222–226Google Scholar. For Bilbao see Archivo Foral, Bilbao, Varios, Consulado, Libros (libro Manual de la Avería), sign. CB 220, fol. 31.

39 Walter, Rolf, ‘Träger und Formen des sūdwestdeutschen Wanderhandels in historischer Perspektive’ in: Reininghaused, Wilfried., Wanderhandel inEuropa: Beiträge zur wissenschaft-lichen Tagung in Ibbenbüren, Mettingen, Recke und Hopsten vom 9–11. Oktober 1992 (Hagen 1993) 101–116.Google Scholar See map on markets for Black Forest clocks, 1740–1760, 105.

40 In 1753, Cadiz received some forty-seven pe r cent of Hamburg's duty-paid linen exports t o Spain, while thirty-three per cent were shipped to the Canary islands. SAH, Amiralitāts-kollegium, 371–372, F6, vol. 18 (1753).

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43 Vogelsang, Reinhard, Geschichte der Stadt Bielefeld I: Von den Anfängen bis zur Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Bielefeld 1989) 259.Google ScholarWeber, , Kaufmannsfamilien, 146, 149.Google ScholarRavina, Agustín Guimerá, ‘La burguesía mercantil canaria en la etapa de libre comercio (1765–1824): Una aproximación a su estudio’ in:Fontana, Josep ed.,El ‘Comercio Libre'entre Espana ya America (Madrid 1986) 261–287Google Scholar.

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55 It has to be noted that in the eighteenth century, even the Swiss principality Neuchâtel with its cotton manufactures was subject to the King of Prussia. Bohemia and Silesia, too, were situated on the fringes of the Habsburg Empire. When Silesia was conquered and annexed by Frederick the Great in 1742, it was already a flourishing manufacturing region, but even subject to Prussia it enjoyed provincial autonomy until 1806.

56 These external conditions had an impact on the French sugar economy, too. French Huguenot merchant s established in Hamburg imported mainly raw sugar, instead of white sugar already refined in France. They preferred to process it in the Hanseatic port city, where they, too, could take advantage of labour costs that were significantly lower than in the French coastal regions or in Amsterdam. In addition, Hamburg refineries could rely on cheap British coal, whereas cities like Bordeaux and Nantes depended on sulphurous and relatively expensive French variety. According to Hamburg customs records, the Huguenot s heavily dominated Hamburg imports of sugar, indigo, cotton, coffee, and wine. In the 1750s, at least two thirds of the recorded sugar imports were controlled by members of the French community. The figures are subject to the restrictions mentioned in footnote 14. Only during the Seven Years' War, when the sugar from the Caribbean arrived in Hamburg via London, were the Huguenots deprived of this profitable sugar trade; see Weber, , Livres douaniers, 101–104.Google Scholar This raw sugar was handed over to German refiners as credit, and it remained in merchant's possession until it was sold as a finished product; see Christian Lorenz, ‘Zuckerraffination in Deutschland im 18. Jahrhundert. Proceedings of the “Tagung des Irseer Arbeitskeises für vorindustrielle Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, 22.-24.03.2002: Vorindustrielle Produktion und Arbeits-organsisation”, unpublished. Eighteenth-century Hamburg with its hundreds of sugar refineries and its calico industries may be pardy considered as a French-run sweat-shop and as an example for Early Modern globalisation.

57 Fechner, Hermann, Wirtschaftsgeschichte der preuBischen Provinz Schlsien in der Zeit ihrer provinziellm Unabhängigkeit 1741–1806 (Breslau 1907) 208–209, 217–219.Google Scholar

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59 Hancock, David, Citizens of the World. London Merchants and the Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735–1785 (Cambridge 1995). Price, Perry. See alsoGoogle ScholarBaylin, Bernard, The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century (New York 1964) 81, 100–103. The same is true for the Dutch merchants studied byGoogle ScholarSchnurmann, Claudia, Atlantische Welten: Engländer und Niederländer im amerikanisch-atlantischen Raum 1648–1713 (= Wirtschafts- und Sozialhistorische Studien 9) (Cologne - Weimar - Vienna 1998)Google Scholar.

60 Indeed, concerning the exports that were realised by the Perry family in 1697, Jacob Price stated: ‘The most valuable single category was English woolens […], but for physical volume we cannot but be impressed by the over 30,000 yards of ozenbrigs [linen from Osnabrūck] and other German linens.’ Price, , Perry, 44.Google Scholar The correspondence of the London merchant Joshua Johnson, too, proves the considerable volume of German textiles in British Atlantic trade. Price, Jacob M., Joshua Johnson's Letterbook, 1771–1774. Letters from a Merchant in London to His Partners in Maryland (= London Record Society Publications, Volume XV for the Year 1979) (London 1979) XTV–XV, 31, 173Google Scholar.

61 Weber, , Kaufmannsfamilien, 142–146 (Germans in Cadiz), 178, 188, 193–196 (Germans in Bordeaux); on Bohemians see 133, 135.Google Scholar

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