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Personal Law and Human Rights in India and Israel
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 July 2014
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Although India and Israel differ dramatically in size, population, and affluence, there are many important similarities. Each is the contemporary vehicle of an old and resilient civilization that expresses a distinctive, influential and enduring arrangement of the various facets of human experience. Each of these cultures underwent a prolonged colonial experience in which its traditions were disrupted and subordinated to a hegemonic European Christian culture; each had an earlier experience with victorious, expansive Islam; each has reached an uneasy but flourishing accommodation with the secular, scientific modernity of the West.
In each case this was achieved by a movement that embraced “Enlightenment” values and in turn provoked a recoil from modernity/rediscovery of tradition. In each there is a conflict between those with “modern” secular views of civil society and those revivalists or fundamentalists who seek to restore an indigenous religiously based society. The secular nationalism that predominated in the struggle for independence and the formation of the state is now countered by powerful tides of fundamentalism.
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References
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11 Furthermore, comparing India and Israel is important for methodological reasons. Both countries possess variation along the key independent variable in this study — personal law systems. If we are to determine whether or not personal law systems matter, then we need to study cases where personal law systems differ, not where they are similar. Using India and Israel for our study provides an opportunity to test the importance of this variable.
12 For the most part, we focus on how personal laws affect the major religious community in each country: the Hindu community in India and the Jewish community in Israel. Because of the way the personal law system in India is structured, we see significant conflict between Hindus and Muslims. Hence, we devote some time to discussing how personal law in India affects not only the Indian Hindu community but also the Indian Muslim community. In Israel, because there is not the same degree of conflict between the various religious communities over issues involving personal status, we focus only on the country's majority Jewish population. The recognized minority religious communities in Israel are granted great autonomy to administer personal law matters. For example, the largest religious minority in Israel is the Muslim community. Muslims comprise nearly 80% of the non-Jewish population, and this community is left almost entirely alone to handle issues relating to personal status. There are Muslim courts of first instance in which Muslim judges (qadis) apply Muslim law (shari'a) to personal law cases. There is also a shari'a court of appeals in Jerusalem. (There is no ulema or set of formal religious scholars who are affiliated with religious institutions in Israel. Nor is there a community of muftis or religious specialists in Islamic law. Thus, qadis are the main authorities who interpret and apply the shari'a in Israel.) These Muslim courts are left to deal with various personal law issues including: dower for brides-to-be; maintenance for divorced women; unilateral divorces by men (talaq); and succession. The qadis, moreover, have a significant impact on these four areas. With respect to the first two issues, evidence indicates that the qadis have encouraged the curtailing of dower and promoted equitable maintenance payments to divorced women. With respect to the last two issues, evidence suggests that the qadis have been unwilling to abolish completely the practice of talaq and that women have yet to be given the same rights to inherit as men. For further information on Muslim courts, see: Edelman, , Courts, Politics, and Culture, supra n. 9, at 77–88Google Scholar; Lavish, Aharon, Women and Islamic Law in a Non-Muslim State: A Study Based on Decisions of Shari'a Courts in Israel (New York, John Wiley & Sons, 1975)Google Scholar; Brown, Nathan, “Sharia and State in the Modern Muslim Middle East” (1997) 29 Int'l J. Middle East Studies 359–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reiter, Yitzhak, Islamic Institutions in Jerusalem: Palestinian Muslim Organization under Jordanian and Israeli Rule (Boston, Kluwer Law International and Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 1997)Google Scholar; Doi, Abdur Rahman I., Shari'ah and the Islamic Law (London, Ta Ha Pub., 1984)Google Scholar; Esposito, John L., Women in Muslim Family Law (Syracuse, Syracuse University Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Sonbol, Amira El Azhary, Women, the Family, and Divorce in Islamic History (Syracuse, Syracuse University Press, 1996).Google Scholar
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31 State of Bombay v. Narasu Appa Mali, A.I.R. 1952 Bom. 84.
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33 Ibid.Varnas refer to the four great estates or divisions of Hindu socio-legal theory, often mistranslated as caste. Anglo-Hindu law contained a number of rules that differed by varna.
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43 Interviews by the second author with leaders of the Multiple Action Research Group, All-India Democratic Women's Association, and All-India Women's Association.
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58 Ibid.
59 Sec. 127 (3) (b), All India Criminal Procedure Code. This purpose of this section was to accommodate dower or mehr.
60 A.I.R. 1985 S.C. 950–52.
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid., at 951.
63 Ibid.
64 Ibid., at 954–55. Although we attribute no causal importance to this fact, it is interesting to note that all of the five justices sitting in this case were at least nominally Hindus.
65 Ibid., at 947.
66 This was not the first instance of the Supreme Court attempting to define the essentials of a religious tradition. In Sastri Yagnapurushdasji v. Muidas Bhundardas Vaishya (also known as the Satsangis case, A.I.R. 1966 S.C. 1119), an earlier Supreme Court propounded its view of the essence of Hinduism to invalidate the practices of a Hindu sect. Galanter, “Hinduism, Secularism, and the Judiciary”, in Law and Society, supra n. 1.
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85 Ibid., at 534–35.
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87 A. I. R. 1963 S.C. 649.
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93 Ibid., at 536–54. Note, the Court also stressed the importance of Article 16(1) of the Constitution, which guarantees “equality of opportunity in matters of public employment”. The Court noted that in order eventually to arrive at a situation where there could be equal opportunity for all, the government's plan needed to be implemented.
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101 Valsamma Paul v. Cochin University, A. I. R. 1996 1011.
102 Ibid., at 1022.
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107 According to statistics, the population of Israel is approximately six million people. Non-Jewish populations include Muslims (nearly fifteen percent of the total population), Christians (approximately two percent) and Druze (about 1.6 percent). Figures are from Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics.
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126 Funk and Schlesinger v. Minister of Internal Affairs (1963) 17 P.D. 222). As of February 2000, another channel opened for a limited group of Israelis. The Interior Ministry on 13 February 2000, announced that it will “now recognize consular marriages for couples at least one of whom is a citizen of a state that authorizes its consuls to perform such marriages”. Prince-Gibson, Etta, “Consular Marriages: An Unorthodox Solution”, The Jerusalem Post, 18 February 2000.Google Scholar Critics suggest that the new policy does not go far enough in providing the basic right of marriage to all Israelis. The article notes that nearly a quarter-million citizens still cannot marry even with this new policy.
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137 As opposed to restrictions on agunot, “the male divorce refusenik, on the other hand, can start a new family without fearing that the children born to the union will be bastards [mamzerim] (meaning that they can only marry other bastards [mamzerim]”. Sharfman, , Living Without a Constitution, supra n. 124, at 79.Google Scholar In addition, the problem of the agunah, (the married woman who separates from her husband but cannot remarry) is a classic and perturbing problem of Jewish law. Women whose husbands refuse a divorce are not the only agunot: the other major instance is the abandoned woman who is unable to prove that her husband is dead.
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140 The Law of Return is a statute that was passed by the 1950 Knesset. The law permits every Jew in the world to immigrate to Israel. As Asher Arian eloquently states, “the Law of Return is the concrete expression of the prophetic vision of the ‘ingathering of the exiles.’” (Arian, , Second Republic, p. 10Google Scholar).
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142 Keren v. Minister for Affairs of Religion (1989) 43(ii) P.D. 661.
143 Adguaitzo v. General Rabbinical Council of Israel (1989) 43(ii) P.D. 152.
144 Miller v Minister of Interior (1986) 40(iii) P.D. 436.
145 Bauli v. Grand Rabbinical Court (1994) 48(ii) P.D. 221; ruling later reaffirmed in Aknin v. District Rabbinical Court of Haifa et al. (1996) 50(i) P.D. 370.
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148 The Jerusalem Post (internet edition) “A List of Haredi Grievances”, 12 February 1999. Also see, response by ultra-orthodox to Hoffman et al. v. The Guardian of the Western Wall, (1994) 48(ii) P.D. 263, in The Jerusalem Post, “Women of the Wall Win High Court Hearing” 18 February 1999. And see, Caspi, Arie, “Two States for Two Nations”, Haaretz 19 February 1999.Google Scholar
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153 Edelman, Courts, Politics, and Culture, supra n. 9, at chap. 3. See also Dotan, “Judicial Rhetoric, Government Lawyers, and Human Rights”, supra n. 150.
154 For a discussion of the failure of early efforts at revival, see Marc Galanter, “The Aborted Restoration of ‘Indigenous’ Law in India”, in Law and Society in Modern India.
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