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Walter Long and the making of the Government of Ireland Act, 1919–20
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2016
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From the autumn of 1918 until late in 1919 home rule was dead as a practical issue in British politics, and the government concerned itself with the administration in Ireland and the means by which republican violence might be stamped out. During the spring and summer of 1918 Lloyd George had attempted to follow what he called the ‘dual policy’ — home rule in return for military compulsion — and a cabinet committee, under the chairmanship of Walter Long, had drafted a home-rule bill which, in view of the deteriorating situation in Ireland, the cabinet had refused to take up. This bill had foreshadowed the basic outlines of the settlement which was to be embodied in the Government of Ireland Act more than two years later Despite the considerable historical attention given to Anglo-Irish affairs in the period 1918-22 comparatively little attention has been paid to the making of the Government of Ireland Act, though it was this piece of legislation which laid the basis for partition. The act is something of an historical aberration in that its application within nationalist Ireland was superseded within less than a year of reaching the statute book, for the treaty of 6 December 1921 effectively repealed it by granting full dominion status.
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References
l The official title was the ‘Committee on the Government of Ireland Amendment Bill’ and it has been discussed by John Kendle in ‘Federalism and the Irish problem in 1918’ in History, Ivi (1971), pp 207–30. For the considerable influence of Lloyd George’s ‘Garden suburb’on Irish policy in 1917–18, see Turner, John, Lloyd George’s secretariat (Cambridge, 1980), pp 83–122.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 See ‘Draft of a Bill for the Government of Ireland, prepared by Mr Walter Long’s committee, August 1918’ (P.R.O., G.T 8240, Cab. 24/89). The bill proposed exclusion for a six-county Ulster, subject to a plebiscite at the end of the war and a confirmatory referendum again seven years later, and a council for the whole of Ireland.
3 Long to Lloyd George, 21 May 1919 (Wiltshire County Record Office, Long papers, W.R.O., 947/292).
4 Townshend, Charles, The British campaign in Ireland, 1919–1921 (Oxford, 1975), p. 25.Google Scholar Dr Townshend has shown that the notorious ‘Black and Tans’were first recruited at the end of 1919, from which time recruiting offices were set up in Britain, and not in the summer of 1920 as is commonly thought (ibid., pp 45-6; appendix I, p. 209).
5 Memorandum by Long, 12 Sept. 1919 (Long papers, W.R.O. 947/293).
6 The committee comprised the following: Long (chairman), H.A.L. Fisher, Lord Birkenhead (F.E. Smith), Shortt, Worthington-Evans, Geddes, G.H. Roberts, F.G. Kellaway, Sir Gordon Hewart and Sir Robert Home. Lord French and Macpherson were ex-officio members. Philip Kerr and Captain L.F Burgis acted as secretaries.
6a Murphy, Richard, ‘Faction in the conservative party and the home-rule crisis, 1912–14’in History, 65 (1986), p. 222.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
7 Conclusions of committee meeting, 15 Oct. 1919 (P.R.O., C.I. 2nd Cons., Cab. 27/68).
8 Government of Ireland Alternative Schemes A, B, and C, 20 Oct. 1919 (ibid., C.I. 12, Cab. 27/69).
9 Report of Irish committee, 4 Nov 1919 (ibid., C.P 56, Cab. 27/68).
10 Long to French, 26 Dec. 1919 (B.L., Long papers, Add. MS 62424).
11 Long to Lloyd George, 18 June 1920 (Wiltshire C.R.O., Long papers, W.R.O. 947/240).
12 Long to French, 2 July 1920 (ibid., W.R.O. 947/232).
13 Minutes of committee meeting, 13 Nov 1919 (P.R.O., C.I. 9th Minutes, Cab. 27/68).
14 Second report of Irish committee, 17 Nov 1919 (ibid., C.P 137, Cab. 27/68).
15 Third report of Irish committee, 24 Nov 1919 (ibid., C.P 190, Cab. 27/68).
16 Fourth report of Irish committee, 2 Dec. 1919 (ibid., C.P 247, Cab. 27/68). See, however, Mansergh, P.N.S., ‘The Government of Ireland Act, 1920: its origins and purposes’in Barry, J G. (ed.), Historical Studies IX (Belfast, 1974), pp 19–48.Google Scholar
17 Cabinet conclusions, 10 Dec. 1919 (ibid., Cab. 23/18).
18 Cabinet conclusions, 15 Dec. 1919 (ibid., Cab. 23/18).
19 Realising that these tactics would carry more weight if recommended by the chief secretary, Long enlisted Macpherson’s help (Long to Macpherson, 12 Dec. 1919, Long papers, W.R.O. 947/211).
20 For a study of the press and public reaction to the government’s Irish policy, see Boy ce, D.G., Englishmen and Irish troubles: British public opinion and the making of Irish policy, 1918–22 (London, 1972).Google Scholar
21 Memorandum by Long, 1 Jan. 1920 (P.R.O., C.I. 46, Cab. 27/69).
22 Memorandum by Long, 3 Feb. 1920 (House of Lords Record Office, Lloyd George papers, F/34/1/6).
23 Report by Long, 5 Feb. 1920 (P.R.O., C.P 565, Cab. 27/68).
24 Report by Bonar Law, 17 Feb. 1920 (ibid., Supplement to C.I. 15th Minutes, Cab. 27/68).
25 See Long to Law, letter and memorandum entitled ‘The Irish bill’, 20 Feb. 1920 (House of Lords Record Office, Bonar Law papers, 98/7/11).
26 It would appear that Long informed Lloyd George that Ulster’s support could only be bought by a pledge guaranteeing that the boundaries of the six counties would remain virtually untouched, excepting very slight adjustments which might prove desirable. Long was then authorised to make a secret pledge to this effect to the Ulster leaders. As is well known, the idea of a boundary commission was used by Lloyd George in December 1921 as a tactical manoeuvre to persuade the Irish representatives to arrive at a settlement. The Irish later claimed to have agreed to the treaty in the belief that Ulster’s area would be so reduced as to make her separate existence impossible, so that a united Ireland would result in a few years. The pledge to the Ulster leaders in 1920 meant that Lloyd George’s hands were tied when in the following year he came to negotiate the Anglo-Irish treaty with Michael Collins. Worried in 1924 that the labour government might unwittingly renege on this guarantee, Long confirmed to Lord Londonderry that ‘it was on this distinct pledge that we were able to pass the bill with the aid of the Ulstermen; they did not care for it and they did not want it’(Long to Londonderry, 26 Aug. 1924, Long papers, W.R.O. 947/290). Eight days before he died Long told Lord Selborne the story of how he had secretly bargained, with Lloyd George’s full blessing, with Carson and Craig to win Ulster’s support for the Government of Ireland Bill. See memorandum and covering letter by Long to Selborne, 18 Sept. 1924 (Long papers, W.R.O. 947/352). When Long died on 26 September 1924 Selborne made the story public, a dramatic disclosure in view of the fact that parliament was shortly to meet to deal with the question of Ulster’s boundaries. On 1 October Lloyd George issued a denial in the commons, alleging that Long’s memory must have been at fault and stating categorically that there had been no boundary pledge to Ulster in 1920 (Hansard 5 (commons), clxxvii, 189). Long’s story, however, rings true. The newspapers had a field day with stories about Long’s ‘voice from the grave’, and Selborne’s revelation proved a serious embarrassment to the government. On 2 October 1924 the Irish Free State Bill passed the commons.
27 Cabinet conclusions, 24 Feb. 1920 (P.R.O., Cab. 23/20).
28 Hansard 5 (commons), cxxv, 1694.
29 O’Halpin, Eunan, ‘Sir Warren Fisher and the coalition, 1919–22’in Hist. Jn., 24 (1981), p. 920.Google Scholar
30 Ibid.
31 See Saunderson to Long, 28 Jan. 1919 (Long papers, W.R.O., 947/347). French later described Saunderson as ‘prone to insolence’and ‘the victim of extraordinary hallucinations’, and, after an acrimonious incident between the two men at the end of July 1920, French dismissed the secretary Saunderson subsequently begged Long to offer him a position assisting the Irish committee, but Long declined. See French to Long, 1, 7 Aug. 1920; Long to French, 5 Aug. 1920 (Long papers, W.R.O., 947/232).
32 See Long to Law, 18 Mar. 1920 (Bonar Law papers, 88/8/13).
33 Report on the Government of Ireland by Sir Warren Fisher, 15 May 1920 (Lloyd George papers, F/31/1/33). Fisher, it should be noted, was strongly biased in favour of the nationalist south and deprecated the government’s use of force to restore order, so much so that he suggested that in August 1920 that the Irish government be recalled to London and Dublin Castle abandoned. See O’Halpin, , ‘Sir Warren Fisher’, p. 921 Google Scholar
34 The government responded to Fisher’s criticisms by instituting a number of reforms during the spring of 1920. In May a team of highly respected officials from British departments arrived in Dublin. The most significant new appointment was that of Sir John Anderson as joint under-secretary with James MacMahon, a Roman Catholic official whom, though he was regarded as incompetent in many ways, the government decided to retain in order to appease the catholic bishops. See McColgan, John, British policy and the Irish administration, 1920–22 (London, 1983), pp 4–21 Google Scholar
35 Hansard 5 (commons), cxxvii, 1335.
36 See Long to Law, 8 Apr 1920 (Bonar Law papers, 103/5/1).
37 Law to Lloyd George, 6 May 1920 (ibid., 102/5/14).
38 Long to Derby, 8 May 1920 (Long Papers, W.R.O. 947/203).
39 Long’s poor health was exacerbated by a recent bereavement. In March 1920 his eldest daughter, Mrs Victoria Gibbs, died of influenza. She was the wife of George Gibbs, a conservative M.P
40 Typescript of decisions arrived at regarding Government of Ireland Bill, 8 May 1920 (Bonar Law papers, 102/5/17).
41 Ashtown to Long, 30 July 1920 (Long papers, W.R.O. 947/142). Ashtown had good reason to complain. Threatened by Sinn Féiners, he was unable to harvest his crops or farm his lands. Several attempts were made on his life, one by placing a bomb in his family pew in church.
42 Long to Ashtown, 3 Aug. 1920 (ibid.).
43 Wilson to Long, 27 Apr 1920 (ibid., W.R.O. 947/392).
44 Irish Times, 9 June 1920.
45 Circular letter sent by the I.U.A. to Long, 28 Oct. 1920 (Long papers, W.R.O. 947/383).
46 See Long to Law, 21 June 1920 (Bonar Law papers, 163/5/6).
47 Boyce, , Englishmen and Irish troubles, p. 11.Google Scholar
48 Ibid., p. 119.
49 Gilbert, Martin, Winston S. Churchill, volume iv: 1917–22 (London, 1975), pp 453–4Google Scholar
50 For Long’s views on the committee’s primary function, see his letter to Sir Maurice Hankey, 26 June 1920 (Long papers, W.R.O. 947/424).
51 Irish Situation Committee, 4th conclusions, 22 July 1920 (P.R.O., Cab. 27/107; C.P 1672, Cab. 24/109).
52 Jones, Thomas, Whitehall diary, volume three: Ireland, 1918–1925, ed. Mid-dlemas, Keith (London, 1971), pp 25–31.Google Scholar
53 Speech of William Wylie, law adviser, 23 July 1920 (P.R.O., C.P 1693, Cab. 24/109).
54 Speech of General Tudor, police adviser, 23 July 1920 (ibid).
55 For the cabinet conference of 23 July 1920, see also Townshend, , British campaign in Ire., pp 101–13.Google Scholar
56 Jones, , Whitehall diary: Ire., 1918–25, p. 32.Google Scholar
57 Memorandum by Long, 25 July 1920 (P.R.O., CP 1688, Cab. 24/109).
58 Boyce, , Englishmen and Irish troubles, p. 121,Google Scholar Lawlor, Sheila, Britain and Ireland, 1914–23 (Dublin, 1983), p. 65.Google Scholar
59 Memorandum by Long to Lloyd George, 29 Sept. 1920 (Lloyd George papers, F/34/1/46).
60 See letter by Asquith, , The Times, 5 Oct. 1920.Google Scholar
61 Memorandum by Long, 20 Sept. 1920 (P.R.O., C.I. 83, Cab. 27/70).
62 Note by the chancellor of the exchequer, 16 Sept. 1920 (ibid., C.I. 84, Cab. 27/70).
63 Memorandum by Long, 29 Sept. 1920 (ibid., C.I. 87, Cab. 27/70).
64 ‘Draft amendments for giving effect to the proposal no. 1 in Mr Long’s memorandum of 10 September 1920 (C.I. 83) that complete financial control be given to the two Irish parliaments ’ (ibid., C.I. 89, Cab. 27/70).
65 For Long’s views on why the bill should be passed into law by Christmas 1920, see his letter to Bonar Law, 3 Oct. 1920 (Bonar Law papers, 103/5/10).
66 Midleton to Chamberlain, 25 Sept. 1920 (Birmingham University Library, Austen Chamberlain papers, A.C. 30/1/4).
67 Cabinet conclusions, 13 Oct. 1920 (P.R.O., Cab. 23/23); Jones, , Whitehall diary: Ire., 1918–25, p. 41.Google Scholar In the preface to her recently published work, Britain and Ireland, 1914–23, Dr Sheila Lawlor states, erroneously, that ‘Law and Long continued to oppose fiscal autonomy’
68 ‘Copy of a letter from Mr Long to the secretary’(Capt. L.F Burgis), 30 Oct. 1920 (P.R.O., C.I. 98, Cab. 27/70).
69 See Long to Law, 9 Nov, 1920 (Bonar Law papers, 103/5/15).
70 Hansard 5 (lords), xlii, 667 (25 Nov 1920).
71 Hansard 5 (commons), cxxxvi, 759–894.
72 10 & 11 Geo. V, c. 67
73 Hansard 5 (commons), cxxvii, 1149 (30 Mar. 1920).
74 Boyce, , Englishmen and Irish troubles, p. 112.Google Scholar
75 Amery, L.S., My political life, volume two: war and peace, 1914–29 (London, 1953), pp 227–8.Google Scholar
76 Long to Chamberlain, 25 Apr. 1921 (Chamberlain papers, A.C. 30/1/15). See also Chamberlain to Long, 27 Apr 1921, and Long to Chamberlain, 28 Apr 1921 (ibid., 30/1/16, 17).
77 Long to A.F Blood, 16 June 1920 (Long papers, W.R.O. 947/160).
78 Long to Cardinal Bourne, 11 May 1918 (Long papers, W.R.O., 947/161).
79 Rev Colthurst to Long, 18 Feb. 1920 (ibid., W.R.O., 947/185).
80 For southern unionist attitudes to the Government of Ireland Act, see Buckland, Patrick, Irish unionism, one: the Anglo-Irish and the new Ireland, 1885–1922 (Dublin, 1972), pp 223–32.Google Scholar
81 The editors regret to announce that Dr Murphy died on 4 June 1985
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