¹ The most valuable source is Curtis, E., Richard II [and the submissions of the Irish thiefs] (Oxford, 1927),Google Scholar which contains his transcripts of the submission documents and associated letters, taken from K. R. Memoranda Roll, 18 R.II, P.R.O., E 159/171, [Trinity term, Recorda, Hibernie; see also Curtis, E., ‘Unpublished letters from Richard M in Ireland’, R.I.A., Proc, 37 C (1927), pp 276–303,Google Scholar for letters (from All Souls MS. P82) concerning the Leinster campaign; a further submission record is found in Ronan, A., ‘Some medieval documents’, in R.S.A.1., Journ., 67 (1937), pp 229–41Google Scholar

² e.g. Leland, A., The history of Ireland from the invasion of Henry II (London, 1773), 1, 347:Google Scholar Gilbert, , Viceroys, pp 269–70.Google Scholar

³ Davies, , Discovery, pp 11, 44Google Scholar; in the same tradition is Haverty, M., History of Ireland (Dublin, 1680), pp 306–7,Google Scholar and Oman, C., History of England from the accession of Richard II to the death of Richard III (London, 1920), p. 127 Google Scholar

⁴ Steel, A., Richard II (Cambridge, 1941), p. 209.Google Scholar

⁵ Oeuvres de Froissart, ed. de Lettenhove, C. (Brussels, 1871). vol. 15, pp 174–8Google Scholar; see, eg Curtis’s treatment of the story in Medieval Ireland (2nd ed., London, 1938), pp.73–4.

⁶ On details of date and place it can be proved inaccurate, but there is corroborative evidence that on different occasions O’Neill, O’Brien and O’Connor were knighted. (P.R.O., K.R. Mem. Roll 22 R.II, E 159/175, Michaelmas term, brevia directo baronibus, m. 31 refers to robes for O’Neill and O’Brien); see also Curtis, . Richard II, pp 136, 99–100.Google Scholar

⁷ See for example Simms, K., ‘Gaelic lordships in Ulster in the later middle ages’ (T.C.D., Ph.D. thesis, 1976), pp 101–21,Google Scholar 1 am grateful to Dr Simms for allowing me to use her thesis.

⁸ e.g. Warren, W L., Henry II (London, 1973), pp 201–2.Google Scholar

⁹ For the submission material see above n. 1 An initial difficulty in assessing the impact of Richard’s policies results from his apparently extensive, though unrecorded, use of the signet in Ireland ( Tout, T F, Chapters in medieval administrative history (Manchester, 1930), 5, pp 221–2).Google Scholar This difficulty is made greater by the paucity of records emanating from the lordship’s administration during the subsequent crucial period, 1395–9. The close and patent rolls had already largely disappeared by the nineteenth century, and there are no entries covering the years 19–23 R.II in Rot. pat. Hib. The Irish treasurers were not required, from 1395–9, to account in England as had formerly been the practice (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1391–6, p. 584; 1396–9, p. 411 ); consequently, Irish exchequer material for these years is virtually limited to the slight entries in nineteenth century calendars (e.g. P.R.O.I., Record Commission’s Calendar of the Memoranda Rolls, R.C.8/33; N.L.L, MS. 761, W Betham’s Extracts from the Pipe Rolls). Parliamentary records have similarly suffered, though the parliament held by Richard in Ireland is recorded in Stat. Ire., John-Henry V, p. 499.

¹⁰ e.g. Cal Close Rolls 1392–6, p. 226.

¹¹ See for instance Baldwin, J.F, The king’s council in England during the middle ages (Oxford, 1913), pp 498, 500Google Scholar; also Proc. king’s council Ire., 1392–3, nos 5, 162.

¹² On this background see Otway-Ruthven, A.J.. Medieval Ireland (London, 1968), csp. p.221.Google Scholar

¹³ P.R.O., Exchequer Accounts, Various, E 101/247/1/3.

¹⁴ O’Neill, for instance, swore in 1389 to act as the king’s liege (Calendar Carew MSS, v, p. 481); cf. MacNamara’s agreement to keep the peace in 1367 (ibid., pp 481–2).

¹⁵ Comparable French forms were les Irrois enemy s et Engleis rebelles. The ‘loyalcges’, often given merely as fideles in Latin, more frequently found expression of the l’ege element in French, as in foialx liges or liges obeissans.

¹⁶ Anglo-Norman letters and petitions from All Souls MS. 182, ed. Legge, M.D. (Oxford, 1941), no. 7Google Scholar

^l7 Curtis, ‘Unpublished letters’ nos 1-6; the campaign is examined in Lydon, J.F, ‘Richard II’s expeditions to Ireland’, R.S.A.I.Journ., 93, (1963), pp 143–6.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Stat.I re., John-Henry V, p. 499

^l9 Proc. privy council, 1386–1410, pp 53, 60–1; Anglo-Norman letters, no. 108; Rotuli parliamentorum, iii, p. 329; Cal. Fine Rolls 1391–9, p. 138; Cal. Close Rolls 1392–6, p. 393; P.R.O., Issue Roll 18 R. II, E 403/551, 28 Jan., 22 March.

²⁰ P.R.O., K.R. Mem. Roll, 19 R. II, Michaelmas term, brevia directa baronibus; Rot. pat. Hib., p. 154, no. 4; p. 155, no. 65.

^2l Curtis, ‘Unpublished letters’, no. 5.

²² Curtis, Richard II. p. 88.

²³ Ibid., p. 122.

²⁴ Curtis, ‘Unpublished letters1’, no. 2.

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 127–8Google Scholar; 122–3.

²⁷ Ibid.,pp 129. 209–10. The translation used in this and subsequent extracts from the Gaelic Irish letters is that of Curtis; where the form of the original phrase is of particular relevance 1 quote in Latin.

²⁸ Anglo-Norman letters, no. 143.

²⁹ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 131–2, 211–12.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid.. pp 129–31

³¹ Ibid., pp 144–6

³² Ibid., pp 141–2.

³³ B.L. Cotton MS. Titus B.XL no. 23; proc privy council, 1386–1410, pp 55–7

³⁴ Curtis, , Med. Ire., p. 267 Google Scholar

³⁵ Though the favours shown to submitting Anglo-Irish degenerates like the de Burghs appear to support Curtis’s interpretation. ( Curtis, , Richard II pp 99–100).Google Scholar

³⁶ Proc Privv council. 1386–1410 pp 99–100

³⁷ Med.Ire., pp 33–4

³⁸ e.g. Ypodigma Neusîria a Thome Walsingham, ed. Riley, H.T (London, 1876), pp 366–7 The use of the form Anglicus Hibernicus to describe the English of Irelandshows a similar ignorance of the importance of race in Ireland (ibid.).Google Scholar

³⁹ Proc. king’s council, Ire. 1392–3, no. 109 gives one example; see above, n. 15.

⁴⁰ e.g. Curtis, , Richard II, pp 79, 91.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Otway-Ruthven, , Med. Ire., p. 334.Google Scholar

⁴² Ibid., n. 49.

⁴³ Even the Statutes of Kilkenny, which identify the Irish clearly as les enemyes, refer back to la conquest de la terre dirland, and supported the concept of one war and one peace per tout la terre (Stat. Ire., John-Henry K, pp 430–69).

⁴⁴ A background study of this topic can be found in Bernheimer, R., Wild men in the middle ages – a study in art, sentiment anddemonology (Cambridge, Mass., 1952)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for use of the term in Wales and Scotland see, e.g., Sir Degrevant, ed. L.F Casson (London, 1949), pp 81, lxv, lxxiii; Chronica Gestis Scotorum ed. Skene, W (Edinburgh, 1871), 1, bk. II, ch. ix, p. 42.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ e.g. Chronique de la Traison et Mort de Richart deux Roy Dengleterre, ed. Williams, B. (London, 1846), p. 28.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ P R.O., L.T.R. Mem. Roll, 7 H. IV, E 368/178, Hilary term, Recorda m.47

⁴⁷ As a result of which they were subsequently enrolled on the memoranda rolls. S Curtis, Richard II, passim.

⁴⁸ Simms, K., ‘Gaelic lordships in Ulster’, pp 115–7.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 131–2, 211–2.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ibid., p. 124.

⁵¹ Curtis, , ‘Unpublished letters’, p. 286.Google Scholar

⁵² Curtis, , Richard II, pp 95–7, 182–4.Google Scholar

⁵³ Ibid., PP 121, 203.

⁵⁴ Ibid., pp 136–7 216.

⁵⁵ Ibid., 122–3, 203–4.

⁵⁶ For O’Kelly’s participation in O’Connor’s inauguration see Annals Loch Cé, 1384; scenso Curtis, Richard II, pp 122–3, 109–11, 113–4.

⁵⁷ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 113–4, 196–7Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid., pp 125–6, 206–7

⁵⁹ Ibid., pp 142–3; this is a letter to Archbishop Colton.

⁶⁰ Ibid., pp 88–90.

^6l Ibid., pp 87–8.

⁶² Ibid., pp 67–8; see also above, n. 56.

⁶³ Curtis, , Richard II. pp 131–2.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 95–7, 182–4.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ibid., pp 143–4.

⁶⁶ Ibid., pp 113–4, 196–7

⁶⁷ Ibid., pp 67–8, 158–9.

⁶⁸ Ibid., pp 88–90.

⁶⁹ Ibid., pp 414–2, 220.

⁷⁰ Ibid., pp 125–6, 206–7

⁷¹ For the instruments of submission, see Curtis, , Richard II, pp 57–118.Google Scholar

⁷² e.g. Niall Og O’Neill swore to pay 20,000 marks ( Curtis, , Richard II, pp 68–9).Google Scholar

⁷³ The few exceptions to this normal form of oath do not appear to be significant O’Brien, for instance, did liege homage with this oath before the king, but when h confirmed the submission later in the company of his sub-chiefs he merely swon allegiance, fealty, military defence against all enemies and obedience to roya commands and ordinances (Ronan, ’Some medieval documents’, pp 231–3). See Gwynn, A, ‘Richard II and the chieftains of Thomond’, North Munster Antiquarie. Journal, 7 (1956), p. 6 Google Scholar for the suggestion that such an anomaly can be explained b) notarial procedures.

⁷⁴ Not until 1397 was an Irish governor, the Duke of Surrey, empowered to receive ir the king’s name the homages of Anglo-Irish heirs (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1396–9, p. 476).

⁷⁵ e.g. Donough O’Byrne ( Curtis, , Richard II, pp 60–1)Google Scholar; see also Gwynn, , ‘Richard II and the chieftains of Thomond’, pp 1–8 Google Scholar passim.

⁷⁶ e.g. Curtis, , Richard II, pp 90–3.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ This had been one of Donai O’Neill’s claims in the ’Remonstrance’ to the pope (Irish historical documents, ed. Curtis and McDowell, p. 45).

⁷⁸ Pro solo uero dominio non debent homagia alicui excepto principe (Glanvill, Treatise on the laws and customs of England, ed. Hall, G.D.G., bk. 9, p. 106).Google Scholar

⁷⁹ On early developments see Joliffe, J.E.A., Constitutional history of medieva England (2nd ed., London, 1948) pp 162–3, 206–7, 219Google Scholar; also. SirStenton, Frank, First century of English feudalism (2nd ed., Oxford, 1961) pp 113, 137 n. 5.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Cal. Pat. Rolls 1385–9, p. 53.

⁸¹ For an examination of the subject, paralleling the position of the native Irish with that of licensed aliens in England, see Murphy, B., ‘The status of the native Irish after 131 in The Irish Jurist, 2 (1967), pp 116–25.Google Scholar

⁸² e.g. O’More of Leix, in 1347 (Genealogical Office, Dublin, MS. 192, Sir William BcthanVs extracts from the Justiciary Rolls, pp 53–4).

⁸³ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 67–8.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Some of these expressions were used after oaths of liege homage had been made; others predated the ceremonies. See e.g., Curtis, , Richard II, pp 88, 114, 121, 131Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Historia Anglicana, ed. Riley, H.T (London, 1863–4) 2, p. 215.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ P.R.O. Miscellanea of the Exchequer, E 163/7/12/6; I am indebted to Professor Ot way-Ruthven for bringing to my notice this document, which occurs in a file relating to the arrest and imprisonment of Gerald FitzMaurice, Earl of Kildare, 6 H.VI.

⁸⁶ eg. Cal Ormond Deeds, iii, no. 273.

⁸⁸ e.g. P.R.O., Foreign Roll 20 R. II, E 364/31 m. 4, account of treasurer Robert Crulle; Proc. king’s council, Ire., nos. 5, 7 etc., P.R.O. Accounts, Various, E 101/246/5/4, particulars relating to the account of the treasurer, the Bishop of Ossory

⁸⁹ e.g. E 101/246/4/120.

⁹⁰ Rot. pat. Hib., p. 148, no. 27; Proc. king’s council, Ire., no. 189.

⁹¹ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 64–5.Google Scholar For further background to the crisis in Leinster and evidence on the government’s increasing use of Gaelic institutions to maintain control, see Frame, R. ‘English officials and Irish chiefs in the fourteenth century’, in E.H.E., 90, (1975) pp 748–777 passim.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹² Curtis, , Richard II, pp 75–85.Google Scholar

⁹³ Popularised by Curtis, (Med. Ire., pp 274–5)Google Scholar, this interpretation still dominates judgements of Richard’s policy in Ireland. See. e.g. Lydon, J F, The Irish Lordship (Dublin, 1972), pp 235–6,Google Scholar and Tuck, A., Richard II and the English Nobility (London, 1973), pp 174–7Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 76–7Google Scholar

⁹⁵ B.L. Hargrave MS. 313, f. 54.

⁹⁶ Cal. Pat. Rolls 1391–6, p. 602.

⁹⁷ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 125–6.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Ibid., pp 141–2.

⁹⁹ Cal. Close Rolls 1392–6, pp 295, 390.

¹⁰⁰ For instance, the Earl of Nottingham established himself in Carlow ( Curtis, , Richard II, pp 64–5)Google Scholar; the grants referred to in B. L. Hargrave MS. 313, f. 54 indicate that not all such favours were recorded in the Irish chancery rolls of that year; Richard’s eulogistic description appears in Curtis, ‘Unpublished letters’, no. 4.

¹⁰¹ Thomas Carrew, later recorded as being in Mortimer’s company in Ireland, had his claim to Idrone recognised in March 1395 (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1391–6, p. 619; see N.L.I., MS. 15, Harris, W, Collectanea de rebus Hibernicis, ff 344–5).Google Scholar

¹⁰² Curtis, , Richard II, pp 75–85.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Ibid., pp 125–6.

¹⁰⁴ A.F.M., 1394, 1395; cf. Misc. Ir, Annals, p. 153; Curtis, , Richard II, pp 98–9.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Rot. pat. Hib., p. 155, no. 65; P.R.O., Exchequer Accounts, Various, Particulars of Scrope’s account, E 101/41/39.

¹⁰⁶ P.R.O., Issue Roll 16 R. II, E 403/543 (7 July).

¹⁰⁷ Cal. Carew MSS, v, p. 481.

¹⁰⁸ P.R.O Ancient Petitions, S.C. 8/189/9434; petition from Mortimer.

¹⁰⁹ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 131–2, 211–2.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Bonnacht has a number of meanings. It could refer to a troop of mercenary soldiers, or the system of billeting itself and the vassal’s obligation to support it, or indeed a form of tax. (See Empey, C.A. and Simms, K., ‘The ordinances of the White Earl’, R.I.A., Proc, 75 (1975) p. 183 and n.)Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Curtis, , Richard II, pp 105–7, 144–6.Google Scholar

^l12 Ibid., pp 134–6.

¹¹³ Ibid., pp 133–4, 213–4.

¹¹⁴ Ibid., pp 134–6, 214–6.

^l15 Ibid., pp 124–5, 205–6.

¹¹⁶ P R.O., Foreign Roll, 22 R. II, E 364/33 m. 4; Mortimer’s enrolled account.

^ll7 Curtis, . Richard II, pp 144–6.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ B.L. Cotton MS. Titus Β XI, nos 7, 21, one of these documents, which are drafts of hc letter, is witnessed at Oxford on 4 November. The 1395 date seems certain from ritornai evidence and the fact that the Privy Seal was being used at Oxford on 4 November 1395 (e.g. Cal. Pat. Rolls 1391–6 p. 644).

¹¹⁹ E 163/7/12/6 and 3; above, n. 86.

¹²⁰ Misc. Ir Annals, p. 155.

¹²¹ Richard’s choice of the Englishman Scrope as justiciar in Leinster, Munster and Louth may have been intended as a check upon the more Anglo-Irish interests of Mortimer, but Scrope’s immediate return to England removed this possibility (see P.R.O., Foreign Roll 20 R. II, E 364/31 m. 4.). The ability of Anglo-Ireland to resist reforms from England was demonstrated by the virtual breakdown of the country’s administration in the following years as the Anglo-Irish chancellor and his associates impeded the English deputy treasurer to the point where he sought royal protection (Proc. privy council 1386–1410, pp 69–72).

¹²² Curtis, , Richard II, pp 141–2.Google Scholar

¹²³ Misc. Ir Annals, p. 157; see also O’Donovan’s notes in A.F.M., 1396.

¹²⁴ Stat. Ire., John-Henry V, pp 564–6.

¹²⁵ Stat. Ire., Henry VI, pp 44–5.

¹²⁶ Ibid., pp 88–90

¹²⁷ Cal. Carew MSS. i, p. 179.