Article contents
Emigrants and Exiles: Irish Cultures and Irish Emigration to North America, 1790- 1922.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2016
Extract
From 1740–1922, as many as seven million people emigrated from Ireland to North America. Arguably, if there are any patterns in modern Irish history, a cultural analysis of this vast flow may help to reveal them. For while the Irish question is usually defined in Anglo/Irish terms (those of conflict) it has more universal import as the adjustment of Irish identity and culture, both personal and national, to the demands of the modern industrialising world. Emigration afforded one such response; Irish nationalism another; Irish American nationalism linked the two. More humans were directly and articulately involved in the migratory response than in the nationalist, both cumulatively over time and in the degree of freely active personal involvement. If scholars such as Robert Kennedy, Cormac Ó Gráda and others have studied emigration in terms of Ireland’s economic modernization, we would suggest that it may be studied culturally as a revealing cross-section of Ireland’s attendant psychic modernisation.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd 1980
References
1 Statistical analyses of the migration are contained in Doyle, David N., Ireland, Irishmen and revolutionary America, 1760–1820 (Dublin 1980), pp 51–76 Google Scholar; Kennedy, Robert E., The Irish: emigration, marriage and fertility (London, 1973)Google Scholar; Miller, Kerby A., ‘Emigrants and exiles: Ireland and Irish emigration to North America,’ Ph.d., Berkeley, , 1976, pp 367–385 Google Scholar; Fitzpatrick, David, ‘Irish emigration in the later Nineteenth Century’, in I.H.S., 22, No. 86 (Sept. 1980), pp 126–43Google Scholar; MacDonagh, Oliver, ‘Irish Famine Emigration to the U.S.’, in Perspectives in American History, 10 (1976), pp 357–446 Google Scholar; Gráda, Cormac Ó, ‘A Note on Nineteenth Century Irish Emigration Statistics,’ in Population studies, 29 (1975), pp 143–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and in studies listed in these. On Norway, see Skard, Sigmund, The United States in Norwegian history (Westport, Ct, 1976)Google Scholar. For a critical overview, see Gráda, Cormac Ó ‘Irish Emigration to the United States in the Nineteenth Century’, in Doyle, D.N. and Edwards, Owen D., America andIreland, 1776–1976 (Greenwood, Ct., 1980), pp 93–103.Google Scholar
2 For a more expansive treatment of the issues raised here, and for more complete citations, see Miller’s doctoral thesis, ‘Emigrants and exiles: Ireland and Irish emigration to North America’ to be published in revised form by Oxford University Press, New York.
3 Arnold Schrier used emigrants’ letters and oral reminiscences in his Ireland and the American emigration, 1850–1900 (Minneapolis, 1958); as did Green, E.R.R., ‘Ulster emigrants’ letters’ in Green, (ed.), Essays in Scotch-Irish history (London, 1969).Google Scholar
4 Gibson, Florence E., The attitudes of the New York Irish towards state and national affairs, 1848–1892 (New York, 1951) p. 26 Google Scholar; Abbott, Edith (ed.), Historical aspects of the tmm.gratton problem: select documents (Chicago, 1926), pp 413, 438Google Scholar; Brown, Thomas N., ‘The origins and character of Irish-American nationalism’ in Review of Politics, 18 (July 1956), p. 329.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 E. G., O’Donovan, Jeremiah, A breif account of the author’s interview with his countrymen (Pittsburgh, 1864), p. 151.Google Scholar
6 O’Sullivan’s speech, 1883 (P.R.O., H.O. 45/9635/A29278).
7 Maurice Wolfe (?) to Michael (Wolfe?), Cratloe, Co. Limerick, 1869 (Wolfe was at Fort Sedgwick in 1867, Fort Bridger in 1873, probably an officer) (NL1, Microfilm p. 3887)
8 Ref. O’Hanlon, John, Irish emigrant’s guide to the United States (1851), ed. Maguire, Edward J. (New York, 1976), pp 9–14, 232–33.Google Scholar
9 MacGowan, Michael, The hard road to the Klondyke (London, 1962), p. 136.Google Scholar
10 Thomas Reilly, 24 April 1848 (N.L.I., MS 10, 511).
11 Lewis Doyle, 27 Jan. 1880, in Kelly, T (ed.), ‘Letters from America’ in Carloviana, 1, no. 2 (Jan. 1948), p. 87 Google Scholar
l2 Taped conversation with Michael Carroll and Patrick Dowling (San Francisco, 1977).
13 Gibson, , Attitudes, p. 98.Google ScholarPubMed
14 Schrier, Arnold, Ireland and the American emigration, pp 129–143 Google Scholar; Gilkey, George R. , ‘The United States and Italy migration and repatriation’, in Journal of Developing Areas, 2 (1967), pp 23–35 Google Scholar; Saloutos, Theodore, They remember America (Berkeley and Loss Angeles, 1966)Google Scholar; Tedebrand, L.G., ‘Remigration from America to Sweden’, in Rublom, H. and Norman, H., From Sweden to America (Uppsala, 1976), pp 201–227 Google Scholar
15 See ‘Table 1, Evictions, 1849–1880’, in Solow, Barbara L., The Irish land question and the Irish economy, 1870–1903 (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), p. 55 Google Scholar; for causes, sources , see note 1 above.
16 Doyle, David N., Irish-Americans, native rights and national empires, 1890–1901 (New York, 1976), pp 36–90, 187–8, 226, 303, 334.Google Scholar
17 Doyle, David N., ‘Inimircigh Nua agus Meiriceá Tionscaíoch, 1870–1910’, in hAnnracháin, Stiofán Ó, Go Meiriceá Siar (Dublin, 1979), pp 159–187, and below, p. 000.Google Scholar
l8 John Reilly, Baltimore, to his father, Ballinagh, Co. Cavan, Feb. 1841, in Arnold Shrier’s collection, University of Cincinnati (copy in NLI, Dublin, MS 8347).
19 Brown, Thomas N., Irish-American nationalism, 1870–1890 (New York, 1966), pp 18–24 Google Scholar; Buckley, Rev. M. B., Diary of a tour in America in 1870 and 1871 (Dublin, 1889), pp 165, 257–61.Google Scholar
20 Fitzpatrick, David, ‘The geography of Irish nationalism’, in Past and Present, no. 78 (1978), pp 113–144 Google Scholar, esp. Maps 1-3; cf. with maps of emigration in his ‘Irish Emigration’, and in Doyle, , ‘Inimircigh Nua’, pp 168–69.Google Scholar
21 McHugh, Roger in Edwards, R.D. and Williams, TD., The Great Famine (New York, 1957), p. 395 Google Scholar; Miller, , ‘Emigrants and Exiles’, 346–47.Google Scholar
22 John Burke, ‘Diary’ and ‘Reminiscences’, c. 1891, MSS in New York Historical Society, New York City.
23 Whorf, Benjamin Lee, Language, thought and reality (Cambridge, Mass., 1956)Google Scholar; Hymes, Dell (ed.), Language and culture in society (New York, 1964), pp 115–63Google Scholar; Hoijer, H. (ed.), Language in culture (Chicago, 1954)Google Scholar; and Henle, Paul (ed.), Language, thought and culture (Ann Arbor, 1958): the papers in Hymes, Hoijer and Henle initiated criticism of Whorf.Google Scholar
24 The neutral eisimirceach is a recent coinage. For the older terms, see Byrne, M.E. and Joynt, M., Contributions to a dictionary of the Irish language, Degra-Dodelbtha (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1959), pp 27–28, 69–70Google Scholar; de Brun, P et al., Nua-Dhuainaire 1 (Dublin, 1971), p. 31 Google Scholar; and it is notable that the terms for ‘journeying’, aistrech and aistriugad also carried the connotations of ‘restless’ and ‘unsteady’ Contributions, op. cit. (volume A, fase. 1. by A. O’Sullivan and E. Quinn, Dublin, 1964), p. 250.
25 Key texts include O’Rahilly, Cecile, Five Seventeenth Century Political Poems (Dublin, 1952)Google Scholar; MacErlean, J.C. (ed.), Duanaire Dháibhidh Uí Brudaair, 3 vols. (London, 1910–17)Google Scholar; Duinnín, Pádraig Ó (ed.), Eoghan Rua Ó Súilleabháin (Dublin, 1932).Google Scholar
26 McGrath, Michael (ed.), The Diary of Humphrey O’Sullivan (Dublin, 1937), vol. 1, 119 Google Scholar; Raftery, , in Hyde, Douglas, Poems ascribed to Raftery (Dublin, 1903), pp 285–321 Google Scholar; Williams, Nicholas, Riocard Bairéad: Amhráin (Dublin, 1978)Google Scholar; ÓLongáin’s work is as yet uncollected; for Ulster, S., Fiaich, Tomás Ó (ed.), Art MacCumhaigh: Dánta (Dublin, 1973)Google Scholar; Buachalla, Brendán Ó (ed.), Peadar Ó Doirín: Amhráin (Dublin, 1969)Google Scholar. For the fullest mapping of the survival of Gaelic, enabling one to collate it with migration maps cited n. 20, see Gaeltachta, Comisiún na, Map No. 1, in Number and percentage of Irish speakers in each District Electoral Division, 1911 (Dublin, 1926)Google Scholar: small percentages allow rough reconstruction of language decline by approximately age-cohort, and show much wider resiidual use than Cuív, Brian Ó (ed.), A view of the Irish language (Dublin, 1969), pp 138–9.Google Scholar
27 Foghludha, Risteárd O (ed.), Donnchadh Ruadh Mac Conmara, 1715–1810 (Dublin, 1933), p. 31–32 Google Scholar; Conaire, Pádraic Ó, Deoraidheacht (Dublin, 1910).Google Scholar
28 Costello, Eileen, Traditional folk songs from Galway and Mayo (London, 1919 and Dublin, 1923), pp 148–49Google Scholar; Clandillon, S. and Hannigan, M. (eds), Songs of the Irish Gaels (London, 1927), pp 15–16 Google Scholar; Wright, Richard L. (ed.), Irish emigrant ballads and songs (Bowling Green, Ohio: Centre for the Study of Popular Culture, 1975), pp 107–428.Google Scholar
29 Blessing, PJ., ‘West among strangers: Irish migration to California, 1850–1880’ (Ph.D., Uni. of Cai., Los Angeles, 1977)Google Scholar; Gordon, Michael A., ‘Studies in Irish and Irish-American thought and behaviour in Gilded Age New York City’, (Ph.D. Uni. of Rochester, 1977)Google Scholar; Ibson, J.D., ‘Will the world break your heart? A historical analysis of Irish-American assimilation’ (Ph.D., Brandeis Uni., 1976)Google Scholar; Light, Dale B., ‘Class, ethnicity and urban ecology Philadelphia’s Irish, 1840–1890’ (Ph.D., Uni. of Pa., 1979).Google Scholar
30 Nevins, Allan and Thomas, M. H. (eds), The diary of George Templeton Strong (New York, 1962), vol. 1, p. 348 Google Scholar; Knobel, Dale T, ‘Paddy and the Republic: popular images of the American Irish, 1820–1860’ (Ph.D., Northwestern Uni., 1976), passim. Google Scholar
31 Sympathetic admissions of such inadequacies include McGee, Thomas D’Arcy, History of the Irish settlers in North America (Boston, 1855), pp 194–235 Google Scholar; Rev. Byrne, Stephen, Irish emigration to the United States (New York, 1873, r. 1969), pp 12,27,35,41, 52Google Scholar; Rev. O’Hanlon, John, Irish emigrant’s guide, op. cit., pp 217–235 Google Scholar; Gibbons, James Cardinal, ‘Irish immigration to the United States’ in Irish Ecclesiastical Review, 4th ser. 1 (1897), pp 97–109 Google Scholar; Moynihan, J.H., Archbishop John Ireland (New York, 1953), pp 26–30.Google Scholar
32 Levi-Strauss, Claude, Structural anthropology (New York, 1963), p. 241.Google Scholar
33 Arensberg, C. and Kimball, S.T., Family and community in Ireland (Cambridge, Mass., 1940)Google Scholar; Hannan, Damien and Katsiaouni, L., Traditional families: from culturally prescribed to negotiated roles in Irish farm families (Dublin, 1977)Google Scholar; Hannan, D., Displacement and development: class, kinship and social change in Irish rural communities (Dublin, 1979)Google Scholar; and Humphreys, A.J., ‘The family in Ireland’, in Nimkhoff, M.F (ed.), Comparative family systems (Boston, 1965), pp 232–58Google Scholar are the chief works on the family in rural Ireland. Apart from work on marriage patterns, little has been done to work out this theme historically, except O’Neill, Kevin, ‘Family and farm in pre-Famine Cavan’ (Ph.D., Brown Uni., 1979)Google Scholar; Mitchell, A.G., ‘Irish family patterns in Nineteenth Century Ireland and Lowell, Massachusetts’ (Ph.D., Boston Uni., 1976)Google Scholar and Conners, Margaret E., ‘Their own kind: family and community in Albany, 1850–1915’ (Ph.D., Harvard, 1975).Google Scholar
34 Dumont, Louis, Homo Hierarchus: The caste system and its implications (London, 1972), p. 42.Google Scholar
35 O’Faolain, Seán, King of the beggars (New York, 1938), p. 12 Google Scholar; Fr. William Purcell 10 Dec. 1848 (Notre Drame University Aarchives, Bishop Purcell Papers, II-4-k).
36 Tighe MacMahon, petition to the Colonial Office, 1825 (P.R.O., CO., 384/11).
37 James Martyn’s petition, ibid.
38 See the sources cited nn 25 and 26. For evidence of transmission into English-speaking culture, see Muirgheasa, Enri Ó, Céad de Cheoltaibh Uladh (Dublin, 1915), pp 175–341 Google Scholar (provenances and notes of Ulster tradition, in English); Zimmerman, Georges-Denis, Irish political street ballads and rebels songs, 1780–1900 (Geneva, 1966), passimGoogle Scholar; Dúill, Gréagóir Ó, ‘Ballads and the law, 1830–1832’, in Ulster Folklore, 19 (1973), pp 38–40.Google Scholar
39 Fox, Robin, The Tory islanders (Cambridge, 1978), pp 31–81, 99–126, 136–7, 158 ff.Google Scholar, Limerick rural survey, interim reports, 3: social structure (Tipperary, 1961), portrays familial dominance within social structures (rather than family-in-itself, as in sources, n. 33 above).
40 Muirgheasa, Enrí Ua (ed.), Seanfhocla Uladh (Dublin, 1907), pp 58, 68, 78Google Scholar. See also Seabhac, An (pseud. Pádraig Ó Siochfhradha) (ed.), Seanfhocail na Muimhneach (Dublin, 1926), passim.Google Scholar
41 Herberg, Will, Protestant, Catholic, Jew (Garden City, N.Y., 1960), p. 149 Google Scholar; ‘Religious motivation in economies’ (Ireland) and ‘Church influence in economies’ (Irish-born in America) in Biever, Bruce F, Religion, culture and values: native Irish and American Irish Catholicism (New York, 1976), pp 393, 688 (383–92, 673–87)Google Scholar; Rose, , Governing without consensus, (Boston, 1971), Tab. IX.2, p. 285 Google Scholar; and for 19th c. expression, see Healaí, Pádraig Ó, ‘Moral values in (popular) Irish religious tales’, in Béadoideas, 42/43 (1973–74), pp 176–212 Google Scholar; and O’Neill, T. P.,‘The Catholic Church and the relief of the poor’, in Arch. Hib., 31 (1973), pp 132–45Google Scholar. Such problems greatly exercised the new Irish American middle class before Max Weber* e.g., Hanc, Fr. John ‘The prosperity of Ulster compared with the rest of Ireland’, in Donohoe’s Magazine (Boston), 48 (1902), pp 453–456 Google Scholar or Shanahan, Thomas, ‘Catholicism and Civilization’, in Catholic University Bulletin, 4 (1898), pp 467–80Google Scholar, the latter conceding that differential development interacted with greater unworldliness, areligious political economies with spiritual motivations, a mature anticipation of Samuelsson, Kurt, Religion and economic action, ed. Coleman, D. C. (New York, 1961).Google Scholar
42 Miller, David W, ‘Catholic religious practice in pre-famine Ireland’, in Journal of Social History, 8 (1975), pp 81–98 Google Scholar; Connolly, S.J., ‘Catholicism and social discipline in pre-Famine Ireland’, in Bulletin of the Irish Committee of Historical Sciences: Thesis Abstracts, 1 (1976), 30–36.Google Scholar
43 Evans, E. Estyn, in Casey, D.J. and Rhodes, R.E., Views of the Irish peasantry, 1800–1916 (Hampden, CT, 1977), pp 37–56.Google Scholar
44 White, Jack, Minority Report: The Protestant community in the Irish Republic (Dublin, 1975), p. 62 Google Scholar; for critical mid-20th c. studies both establishing yet modifying salient Catholic/Protestant differences, see (Ireland) Rose, Richard, Governing without consensus, pp 247–326 Google Scholar; (United States) Lenski, Gerhard, The religious factor (New York, 1961)Google Scholar; (S. Germany) Golde, Gunther, Catholics and protestants (New York, 1975)Google Scholar. Such studies have not yet been convincingly related to more imprecise studies of western business development, e.g. Eisenstadt, S.N. (ed.), The protestant ethic and modernisation (New York, 1968)Google Scholar: but see Miller, David, ‘Presbyterians and “modernisation” in Ulster’, in Past and Present, 80 (1978), pp 66–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
45 Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America, ed. Mayer, J.P., trans. Lawrence, G. (New York, 1969), pp 46–47, 288, 293, 528–30Google Scholar; Chevalier, Michael, Society, manners and politics in the United States (1838), ed. Ward, J.W (New York, 1961),pp 273, 355–6Google Scholar. See Greven, Philip, The protestant temperament (New York, 1977)Google Scholar, which roots it in the colonial family, but contrast MacFarlane, Alan, The origins of English individualism (Oxford, 1978).Google Scholar
46 Arthur Quinn, 22 Sept. 1873 (PRONI, D. 1819/4); Johnson, Paul E., A shopkeeper’s millenium (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; Cross, Whitney, The Burned-Over District (Ithaca, N.Y., 1950)Google Scholar; Rev. O’Riordan, M., Catholicity and progress in Ireland (London, 1906), p. 64 Google Scholar is a trenchant statement of the bounds of individuality as a priest of that era might put it.
47 Ellis, J.T (ed.) The catholic priest in the United States: historical investigations (Collegeville, Minn., 1971), p. 307 Google Scholar; Handlin, Oscar, Boston’s immigrants, 2nd ed. (New York, 1972), pp 125–35Google Scholar; Dolan, Jay, The immigrant church (Baltimore, 1975), pp 115–120 Google Scholar; Roohan, J.E., American catholics and the social question, 1865–1900 (New York, 1976; originally 1952), pp 12–25, 103-118, 247–63.Google Scholar
48 Levi-Strauss, Claude, ‘Introduction.’ in Mauss, Marcel, Sociologie et anthropologie (Paris, 1966)Google Scholar; Geertz, Clifford, ‘Ritual and social change’, in his The interpretation of cultures (New York, 1973), pp 144–45Google Scholar, together with works cited n. 23 above.
49 The following interpretation of Irish as a stative-active language was first set out by Boling, initially in ‘Irish language and culture’ (Berkeley, 1976), a paper since delivered at the Kentucky Foreign Language Conference (Lexington, Apt. 1978).
50 See Sapir, Edward, ‘The psychological reality of phonemes’ in Mendelbaum, David G. (ed.), Selected writings of Edward Sapir in language, culture, and personality (Berkeley, 1963), pp 46–60.Google Scholar
51 Smith, R.F, Ireland’s renaissance (Dublin, 1903)Google Scholar; Irishman, An, (pseud.) My countrymen (Edinburgh, 1929), pp 46–7, 86–97Google Scholar; Horace, , Plunkett, , Ireland in the new century (London, 1904), p. viiiGoogle Scholar; interview with Dennis Wholley (Berkely, 1977); Zimmermann, , Irish political street ballads, p. 11.Google Scholar
52 Almquist, Bo, ‘The Irish Folklore Commission’, in Béaloideas, 45/41 (1977/79), pp 6–26 Google Scholar; O’Sullivan, Seán (ed.), Folktales of Ireland (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1966), pp xxxiii-iv, xxxvi-vii.Google Scholar
53 Wright, , Irish emigrant ballads, op. cit., pp 29–105 Google Scholar; Tuathaigh, Gearóid Ó, ‘Gaelic Ireland, popular politics and Daniel O’Connell’, in Journal of the Galway Archaeol. and Hist. Soc., 74 (1974–5), pp 21–34 Google Scholar; and for transmission of related language patterns, Henry, P.L., An Anglo-Irish dialect of North Roscommon (Dublin, 1955)Google Scholar; see Fitzpatrick, ‘Geography of Irish nationalism’
54 In this regard, the incapacity of the American Irish and urban Irish authors of O’Brien, John A. (ed.), The vanishing Irish (New York, 1953), to perceive this pattern is itself most revealing.Google Scholar
55 Larkin, Emmet, Historical dimensions of Irish Catholicism (New York, 1976)Google Scholar; Connell, K.H., ‘Catholicism and marriage in the century after the famine’, in Irish peasant society (Oxford, 1968), pp 113–61Google Scholar; Byrne, Stephen, Irish emigration, pp 33–37 Google Scholar; O’Hanlon, John, Irish emigrant’s guide, pp 59–62, 126, 224–26Google Scholar; Buckley, , Diary of a tour, pp 144, 169–70Google Scholar; Cross, Robert, The emergence of liberal Catholicism in America (New York, 1958), pp 162–181.Google Scholar
56 Corish, Patrick, ‘The shaping of a religious culture’, in The Catholic Community in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century (Dublin, 1981)Google Scholar; Kevin Whelan, of Carysfort College, Blackrock, Co. Dublin, is in process of mapping church/people and priest/people ratios by area for the 1830s/40s and 1910-14, and kindly showed us provisional findings; Hynes, Eugene, ‘The Great Hunger and Irish Catholicism’, in Societas, 8 (1978), pp 135–156 Google Scholar offers a theoretic critique of Miller and Larkin, for whom see citations in notes 42 and 55 above.
57 Doyle, , Irish Americans, native rights, national empires, pp 186–202 Google Scholar; Lees, Lynn, Exiles of Erin (Manchester, 1979), pp 164–212 Google Scholar; Gilley, Sheridan, ‘Supernaturalised culture: catholic attitudes and Latin lands, 1840–1860’, in Studies in Church History, 11 (1975), pp 309–323 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Carthy, M. Peter, English influences on early American Catholicism (Washington, 1959)Google Scholar. Neither Dolan nor Handlin, loc. cit., η. 47 above, distinguish between the Irish social sources and English cultural ones of this ideology, and confuse )oth with the religious faith these forces enclosed.
58 That is, notwithstanding a westward tilt to nationalist, anti-Treaty, and early Fianna Fáil support: see Rumpf, E. and Hepburn, H.C., Nationalism and socialism in Twentieth Century Ireland (Liverpool, 1977), pp 38–68.Google Scholar
59 Miller, Samuel J., ‘Peter Richard Kenrick’, in Records of the American Catholic His-orical Society, 84 (1973), pp 3–4 Google Scholar; Birmingham, Stephen, Real lace: America’s Irish rich (New York, 1973), pp 75–77, 138 Google Scholar; Lewis, C. and Kernan, J.D. (eds.), Devereaux of the ieap, 1791–1855 (St. Bonaventure, N.Y., 1974)Google Scholar; Cochran, Alice C., The descendants o) fohn Mullanphy (New York, 1976), pp 12–16 Google Scholar; Niehaus, Earl, The Irish in New Orleans 1800–1860 (Baton Rouge, 1965), pp 10–11, 40–41Google Scholar; Conway, K.E., Charles Francis Connelly: a memoir (New York, 1909), pp 5–10 Google Scholar; Roche, J.J., Life of John Boyle O’Reilly Boston, (New York, 1891), pp 1–7 Google Scholar; Dictionary of American biography, VII, i. pp 18, 131, 189, 318, 352, 608, 612, 613; VII, ii, pp 52, 53; VIII, i, p. 266; VIII, ii, p. 262, 263-4, 283, 284, for material on the Sadliers, John Murphy, E. Bailey O’Callaghan, Fitz-James 3’Brien and J. B. O’Reilly (writers, publishers), on Patrick Moriarty,O.S.A., James and Michael O’Connor, J. Β. Purcell, Edward G. Ryan and Patrick Ryan (churchmen), on Henry O’Reilly and St. Clair Mulholland (businessman and general). The pattern is dramatic enough to require extensive further study.
60 Westerhoff, John H., McGuffey and his readers (Nashville, 1978)Google Scholar, ch. 1, Weisz, Harold, Irish-American and It alian-American educational views and activities (New York, 1976), pp 33–34.Google Scholar
61 John King, Pittsburg, to Robert Nevin, Carnduff, Dervock, Co. Antrim, Sept. 1832, (King Family Papers, Illinois State Historical society); N. Carrothers, Westminster, Upper Canada, to William Carrothers, Farnagh, Lisbellaw, Co. Fermanagh, 5 Dec. 1853, N.L.I. Schrier Collection: William Radcliff, Dec. 1832, in McGrath, TW (ed.), Authentic letters from Upper Canada (Dublin, 1833, reprint ed., Toronto, 1953), p. 110 Google Scholar; William N. Lyster, Springfield, Michigan, to (Armstrong Lyster?) Co. Wexford, 4 July, 1839 (Lyster Papers, Michigan Historical Collections, Uni. of Michigan); Samuel N. Fogarty, New York City, to Joseph Fogarty, Limerick, 4 March 1839, Schrier Collection. For homesickness, Wm. Lyster (Eyry Forest, Michigan) to his father, July-Sept. 1841 (Lyster Papers); Samuel Buchanan, Maysville, Alabama, to Augusta Buchanan, Dublin, undated (1870s), (N.L.I. Schrier Collection).
62 John McBride, Watertown, N.Y., to James McBride, Derriaghy, Co. Antrim, 9 Jan. 1820 (P.R.O.N.I., T.2613/3); Wills and Lydia Anstis, Bandon, to Robert Eady. Chaleur Bay, New Brunswick, 29 July 1827 and 6 April 1834 (Cork Archives Council); Andrew Johnston, Ballymahon, Co. Longford to his sons Peyton, Andrew and Samuel Richmond, Va., 20 Jan. 1834 and 20 Dec. 1837 (Peyton Johnston Letters, Huntington Library, San Marion, Cal.).
63 McDermott, Michael, ‘Recollections and Memories’ (c. 1884) Library of Congress Ms. 2–15–1000; ’Memoir of the Late Honorable Richard Robert Elliott1, in Michigan Historical and Pioneer Collections, 37 (1909), p. 644 Google Scholar; Mulvey, Helen F (ed.), ‘New York City in 1859: a Letter to William Smith O’Brien (from Richard O’Gorman)’ in New York History, 34 (1943), pp 85–90.Google Scholar
64 Gerald Griffin, Corgrigg, Co. Limerick, to James Griffin, Silver Lake, Susquehanna Co., Pa., 24 Nov. 1825 and 29 Jan. 1826; Annie Griffin to same, 4 Aug., 1826 (Lewis Neale Whittle Papers, Georgia State Archives, Atlanta). These were kin of novelist Gerald Griffin, whose father emigrated: see Mannin, Ethel, Two studies in integrity (London, 1954), pp 76–8Google Scholar, 97 William Lalor, Lima, Indiana, to D. Lalor, Tinakill, Abbeyleix, Queen’s Co., 12 May 1834 (N.L.L, MS. 8567).
65 Doyle, David N., ‘Unestablished Irishmen: New Immigrants in Industrial America’, in Hoerder, Dirk (ed.), American labor and immigration history 1877–1920: recent European research (Uni. of Illinois Press, forthcoming).Google Scholar
66 Edward Toner, Unity Township, Pennsylvania, to Pat Donnelly, Pomeroy, Co. Tyrone, 7 June, 1818 and 21 Jan. 1819 (N.L.I., Ms. 2300); Pádraig Phiarais Cúndún, 1777–1856, ed., Foghludha, Risteard Ó (Dublin, 1932), p. 54 Google Scholar; Cúndún to Michael Ó Glasaín, Baille Mhacóda, Co. Cork, 17 Dec. 1834.
67 Ibid., pp 27 and 29: Cúndún to Partolán Suipeál, Cluain Ard, Co. Cork, 17 Dec. 1834; Τ W Magrath, Erindale, Upper Canada, to Rev. Thomas Radcliff, Dublin, Jan. 1832, in Magrath, (ed.), Authentic letters, p. 64 Google Scholar; Anastasia Dowling, Buffalo, N.Y., to Mr and Mrs. Dunny, Sleaty, Co. Carlow, 20 Jan. 1870, (N.L.I. Schrier Collection).
68 Charles Mullen, 28 Dec. 1883(P.R.O.N.I.,T 1866/9); Annie Heggarty, Ottumwa, Iowa, to Mr and Mrs. Michael McFadden, Kilcar, Donegal, 19 July 1884, (Schrier Collection N.L.I.); James J. Mitchell, Ά Journal Commenced on leaving Ahascragh, Co. Galway May 16, 1853’ (ms, in New York Historical Society); Maurice Wolfe, Washington, D.C., to his uncle, Cratloe, Co. Limerick, 19 Nov. 1863 and 25 Sept. 1865; same, Fort Segdwick, 12 May 1867, to same; same to Michael(?), Cratloe, 1869, undated (all N.L.I., microfilm 3887); George Crosby, Boston Navy Yard, Mass., to his mother, Bridget Crosby, Aggardbeg, Croughwell, Co. Galway, 28 Mar. 1848 (N.L.I., ms. 3549); B. Colgan, Carson City, Nevada Terr., to Thomas Dunny, Sleaty, Co. Carlow, 13 June 1862 (Schrier Collection, N.L.I.).
69 Zimmerman, , Irish political street ballads, and O’Lochlainn, Irish street ballads, 2nd ed. (Dublin, 1963), argue this transmission thesis in their introductions, passimGoogle Scholar; for emigrant balladry provenance, see Wright, , Irish emigrant ballads, pp 107–114 Google Scholar,205206, 331–338, 429–433, 485–490 and 697–712; a less scholarly collection is James N. Healy, Old Irish street ballads, 4: No place like home (Cork, 1969).
70 Cousens, S.H., ‘Regional variation in population changes in Ireland, 1861–188–, in Economic History Review, 17 (1964–65), pp 301–21Google Scholar; Hannan, , Displacement and development, pp 27–67 Google Scholar; Miller, Kerby, ‘Emigrants and exiles’, Table III through VII, pp 374–380.Google Scholar
71 ‘Seághan ar Fán’, (η.p., U.S.) to Michael ?, 25 Dec. 1902, original in possession of Kenneth Nilsen, Cambridge, Mass., Ó Muircheartaigh, in Dubhda, Seán Ó (ed.), Duanaire Duibhneach (Dublin, 1933), pp 132–3Google Scholar; Ruiséal, in ibid., pp 130–31, MacGowan, Michael, The hard road to the Klondyke (trans. Valentine Iremonger) (London, 1962), p. 138 Google Scholar; Cathy Greene, Brooklyn, N.Y., to Mrs. Catherine Greene, Ballylarkin, Calían, Co. Kilkenny, 1 Aug. 1884 (U.C.D. Archives Dept., Greene Family Letters); James McFadden, Battle Creek, Iowa to Michael McFadden, Kilcar, Co. Donegal, 17 Oct. 1897 (N.L.I., Schrier Collection); Cathail, Eoin Ua, Pentwater, Michigan, to editor, An Claidheamh soluis, 4 (April, 1902), pp 124–25.Google Scholar
72 Waters, Martin, ‘Peasants and emigrants: the social origins of the Gaelic League’, in Casey, D.J. and Rhodes, R. E., Irish peasantry, pp 150–177 Google Scholar; Dochartaigh, Liam O, ‘Nótaí ar Ghluaiseacht na Gaeilge i Meiriceá, 1872-189Γ, with Breandán Ó Buachalla, ’An Gaodhal i Meiriceá’ and Breandán Ó Conaire, ’Pádraig Ó Beirn: Fear a d’fhill’ in Ó hAnnracháin, Go Meiriceá Siar, pp 65–90 Google Scholar, 38–56and 111–124; Warner, Sam Bass and Burke, Colin, ‘Cultural change and the ghetto’, in Journal of Contemporary History, 4 (1969), pp 173–187 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; MacGowan, , Hard road, pp 75–6, 121–22 for later clustering.Google Scholar
73 Duinnin, Pádraig Ua, Muinntear Chiarraidhe roimh an Drochsaoghal (Dublin, 1905), pp 55–56 Google Scholar; Mss. 1407–1411, Dept. of Irish Folklore, Archives, U.C.D., Schrier, Ireland and the American emigration, pp 84–91; Carbery, Mary, The farm by Lough Gur, reprint ed. (Cork, 1973), p. 44.Google Scholar
74 John Griffin, Kilkee, Co. Clare to his sister-in-law, Mary Griffin, Columbus, Georgia, 22 June 1849 (Lewis Neale Whittle Papers, Georgia State Archives).
75 Mary Brown, New York City, to Mary?, Gentstown, Tomhaggard, Co. Wexford, 11 March 1858 (also 20 Jan. 1859)(U.C.D. Ms. 1408, Dept. of Irish Folklore Archives); Connell, K.H., Irish peasant society, pp 113–161 Google Scholar; but contrast McKenna, Edward E., ‘Age, region and marriage in post-Famine Ireland’, in Economic History Review, 31 (1978), pp 238–256 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O’Brien (ed.), The vanishing Irish, passim., a polemic being substantiated and modified by sources cited n. 33 and 39, but see particularly Lynn Lees and Modell, John, ‘The Irishman urbanised’ in Journal for Urban History, 3 (1977), pp 391–408 Google Scholar for comparative evidence of higher marriage rates in Philadelphia and London than Ireland.
76 Memoirs of Daniel Cashman (copy in Dr. Miller’s possession; another in N.L.I.); J. F Costello, White River Valley, Washington Terr., 11 Jan. 1883, to his parents, Croagh, Co. Limerick (N.L.I., Schrier Collection); Buckley, , Diary of a tour, pp 170 241.Google Scholar
77 Bennett, J.W, ‘Iron workers in Woods Run and Johnstown: the union era, 1865–1895’ (Ph.D., Uni. of Pittsburg, 1977), contains one such careful study; others are underway.Google Scholar
78 Hibernicus, , Address to the Irish and their descendants in the United States and the British provinces, October 1848 (Columbia, S.C., 1848) pp 12, 20Google Scholar. For nationalism of Bew Gaelic speaking migrants, see Miller, , ‘Emigrants and exiles’, pp 842–45.Google Scholar
79 Edwards, Ruth Dudley, Patrick Pearse (London, 1977), pp 184–97Google Scholar; O’Connor, Batt, With Michael Collins in theflght for Irish independence (London, 1929), pp 14–16,20Google Scholar; Tarpey, M.V., Role of Joseph McGarrity in the struggle for Irish independence (New York, 1976), pp 19–64 Google Scholar; LeRoux, Louis N., Tom Clarke and the Irish Freedom Movement (Dublin, 1936), pp 17–25,55–73Google Scholar; Devoy, John, Recollections of an Irish rebel (New York, 1929), passimGoogle Scholar; Carl, and Reeve, Ann B., James Connolly and the United States (New Stork, 1978).Google Scholar
80 (trans.) ‘It is on you we cry, poor exiled descendants of Eve and when our banishment in this life is finished, show to us the blessed fruit of thy womb, Jesus.’ MacCionaith, Tomás S., coll., An Paidirín Páirteach agus Urnaighte eile ingCanamhain Bhreifne (Cavan, 1921), p. 8 Google Scholar; Burton, David H., ‘The friendship of Justice Holmes and Canon Sheehan’, in Harvard Library Bulletin, 25 (1977), pp 155–169 Google Scholar: Winks, Robin, ‘The American as exile’, in Doyle, and Edwards, , America and Ireland, 1776–1976, pp 43–56 Google Scholar; Sheehan, P.A., ‘The effect of emigration on the Irish churches’, in Irish Ecclesiastical Record, 3rd ser., 3 (1882), pp 604–05, 613–14Google Scholar; through judicious and selective industrialisation, ‘Keep the fountain running and you may scatter its waters where you please secure for us the simple certainty that the population of Ireland will not fall below its just and normal standard, and we engage to make saints and scholars for the Universe again’, a position quite misconstrued as anti-emigration and non-modern in O’Farrell, Patrick, ‘Emigrant attitudes as a source for Irish history’ in Historical Studies (Ireland), 10 (1976), pp 123–4Google Scholar, an otherwise pioneer attempt at a cultural analysis of Irish emigration, based on a small Antipodean sample.
81 Burchell, R.A., The San Francisco Irish, 1848–1880 (Manchester, 1979), pp 15,52–3, 155–78Google Scholar.
82 Morrill, R.L. and Wohlenberg, E.H., The geography of poverty in the United States (New York, 1971), pp 39–41 Google Scholar, Smith, David, Human geography: A welfare approach (London, 1977), pp 277, 289, 297Google Scholar
83 Canadian evidence shows that Irish Catholics were underrepresented in white collar, professional, merchant and managerial categories in Canadian cities in 1871, and Irish Protestants overrepresented, and confirms the hypothesis of this article. ^American occupational census schedules do not distinguish religiously. But in the -Canadian countryside, the margins of difference disappear, and are sometimes ieversed. This surely suggests that environmental (or exogenous) factors could acerbate or mitigate the effects of religio-cultural inheritance (endogenous factors) Which we have emphasised. See Darroch, A.G. and Ornstein, M.D., ‘Ethnicity and occupational structure in Canada in 1871, in Canadian Historical Review, 61 (1980), pp 304–333.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- 6
- Cited by