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15 Carey, ‘“Neither good English nor good Irish’”.

16 All dates are given old style. Fiants Ire., Eliz. I, no. 5312; Cal. S.P. Ire., 1586–8, p. 331.

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19 Christopher Maginn, ‘Herbert, Sir William (c.1553-1593)’ in Oxford D.N.B.

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21 N.A.I., M.3044, f. 32; M.5037, p. 13; Cal. S.P. Ire., 1588–92, pp 190, 192. For Kerry’s relative inaccessibility see H.M.C., Salisbury MSS, xvi, 429Google Scholar; Barnard, T. C., ‘Sir William Petty, Irish landowner’ in Lloyd-Jones, Hughet al. (eds), History & imagination: essays in honour of H. R. Trevor-Roper (London, 1981), pp 209, 215Google Scholar. However, Castleisland was located on one of the two main routes between Limerick and Tralee, and, as such, was a transport and communications hub within the Desmond lordship: McCormack, Earldom of Desmond, p. 36. The settlement’s regional significance is reflected in its inclusion on Gerard Mercator’s map of Ireland published in Duisburg in 1564: Andrews, J. H., Shapes of Ireland: maps and their makers, 1564–1839 (Dublin, 1997), p. 39.Google Scholar

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23 Ibid., 1586–8, p. 569.

24 In contrast, Nicholas Canny has suggested that Denny and Herbert were ultimately at one ideologically on the basis of their shared commitment to absolute English authority in Munster: Making Ireland British, p. 158.

25 Cal. S.P. dom, 1586–88, pp 331, 533. For Herbert’s advocacy of the Protestant reform movement in Monmouthshire and his assessment of the challenges facing its progress there, see Cal. S.P. dom, 1581–90, p. 374. See also Heal, Felicity, ‘Mediating the word: language and dialects in the British and Irish reformations’ in Jn. Ecc. Hist., lvi (2005), p. 278.Google Scholar

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28 Ibid., p. 191. Tomás Óg was presumably the son of Thomas Fitz David Gerald of Ardnagragh, who was killed during the Desmond rebellion having risen in support of the earl Gerald. The David Óg Fitzgerald who held Castleisland in 1622 may well have come of the Ardnagragh branch of the family. Interestingly, while the latter was ‘the son of an arch-rebel and hath been a rebel himself’, he was perceived to be ‘conformable in religion’. Fiants Ire., Eliz. I, no. 5312; N.A.I., M.5037, pp 25–6; Hickson, M. A., Selections from old Kerry records (London, 1872), pp 186-7Google Scholar; ‘Desmond inquisition of 1584’ in Kerry Archaeological Magazine, i (1910), pp 268–9; Stat. Ire., 1, 418; Dunlop, Robert (ed.), ‘An unpublished survey of the plantation of Munster in 1622’ in R.S.A.I. Jn., liv (1924), p. 137.Google Scholar

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32 MacCarthy-Morrogh, Munster plantation, pp 190–4, 246; Edwards, David, ‘A haven of popery: English Catholic migration to Ireland in the age of plantations’ in Ford, Alan and McCafferty, John (eds), The origins of sectarianism in early modern Ireland (Cambridge, 2005), pp 95–126.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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35 Cal. S.P. Ire., 1586–8, p. 313; ibid., 1588-92, pp 90, 190, 210.

36 Ibid., 1586–8, pp 531, 534, 540; ibid., 1588–92, p.91 ; Canny, Making Ireland British, pp 154–5.

37 Denny, H. L. L., The biography of Sir Edward Denny (Hertford, 1905)Google Scholar; Fiants Ire., Eliz. I, no. 5043.

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44 N.L.I., MS 7861, f. 175v; N.A.I., M.5037, p. 14.

45 N.L.I., MS 7861, ff 175v, 177r; Leslie, Ardfert clergy, p. 75. Ewes was certainly dead by 1603 when he was succeeded as rector of Castleisland by Robert Chaffe. Pat. rolls. Ire., Jas I, ed. Erck, i, pt 1, 37.

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58 Cal. S.P. Ire., 1601–3, p. 607. In a general 1602–3 Crown pardon to the inhabitants of Munster and Thomond, Tomás Óg, along with a handful of prominent Irish leaders, was expressly excluded from its provisions: Fiants Ire., Eliz. I, no. 6773. For his experiences during the rebellion, see Cal. S.P. Ire., 1600, pp 367, 372, 374, 379, 606; ibid., 1600–1, pp 4, 61, 87, 98, 233–4-; Sheehan, A. J., ‘The overthrow of the plantation of Munster in October 1598’ in Ir. Sword, xv (1982-3), p. 17.Google Scholar

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80 Ibid., 11. 2159–60.

81 Ibid., 11. 2185–6.

82 Ibid., 11. 2190, 2243–5.

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85 Ibid., p. 33.

86 Ibid., quatrains 15–20.

87 Ibid., quatrain 17.

88 Ibid., quatrains 17–18.

89 Ibid., quatrains 21–8.

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94 Fiants Ire., Eliz. I, no. 6515.

95 Dánta Mhuiris mhic Dháibhí Dhuibh, pp 11, 26.

96 Ibid., p. 30.

97 Ibid., pp 48–9,11. 25–44.

98 Ibid., pp 49–50,11. 49–64.

99 Ibid., pp 50–1,11. 69–100.

100 Ibid., p. 52,11. 133–40.

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104 Croftus,p. 83.

105 Ibid.,pp77, 81–3.

106 Ibid., pp31,71.

107 Ibid., p. 97.

108 Ibid., pp 107–9.

109 Ibid., pp 85–7; Carey, Vincent, ‘The Irish face of Machiavelli: Richard Beacon’s Solon his follie (1594) and republican ideology in the conquest of Ireland’ in Morgan, (ed), Political ideology in Ireland, 1541–1641, p. 90.Google Scholar

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