Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2016
During the winter of 1713-14 the tory ministry in England began to disintegrate. Despite a massive tory victory at the 1713 election, the new parliament which met in the following spring did not furnish the court with a reliable majority in either house. The tory party had fallen into complete disarray Queen Anne’s deteriorating health was the root cause, giving rise to panic among tories. It was clear that there was little hope for them at Hanover, where Prince George, angry at thepeaceofutrecht, wascommitted to thewhigs. Some tories actively considered declaring for the Pretender Others, more afraid of a Jacobite restoration than the accession of a whiggish but protestant king, identified themselves as Hanoverians and voted against the ministry in parliament. The vast majority, whether Jacobite or Hanoverian, were agreed on the necessity of taking some decisive measures to crush the whigs and entrench themselves in power against the fateful day when the queen should die. More than ever they were impatient of the leadership of Lord Treasurer Oxford, the former Robert Harley, the essence of whose political management seemed to be duplicity and procrastination.
1 This paper was read to the Irish Historical Society on 8 May 1979.1 wish to thank Professor Edith M. Johnston, Professor G.S. Holmes and Dr Ρ W J. Riley for their searching criticisms of an early draft. What remains is, however, solely my responsibility.
2 An exception on the English side is Feiling, K.G., A history of the tory party, 1640–1714 (Oxford, 1924), pp 461–3, 469.Google Scholar
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5 Henry Rose to David Crosbie, 6 June 1710 (N.L.I., Talbot-Crosbie papers, P.C. 188).
6 A correspondent of the chief secretary wrote in 1712 that in Ireland the papists and the whigs ‘seem to be playing into each other’s hand, the one by their insolence giving a handle to reflect on the government, and the others taking occasion to improve it into a thousand stories’: William Wogan to Edward Southwell, 30 Sept. 1712 (B.L., Add. MS 37674, f. 58).
7 Commons’ jn. Ire., ii, 145-7; Sir Walter Clarges to George Clarke, 12 Sept. 1691 (T.C.D., Clarke correspondence, MS 749/11/1131); Inchiquin MSS, pp vii, 17–33, 3940, 226–71, 626, 628–31.
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17 Sir John Perceval’s ‘journal’, 18 Dec. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 47087, f. 48). I am preparing an edition of parts of this journal, covering debates in the Irish parliament in 1711 and 1713.
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21 Robert Molesworth to Marlborough, 10 Feb. 1714 (B.L., Blenheim papers).
22 Perceval jn., Aug. 1711 (B.L., Add. MS 47087, ff 2–4); petition of the lord mayor and aldermen of Dublin, Sept. 1711 (P.R.O., S.P 63/367/204–5).
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34 Cox to Southwell, 23 June 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 38157, f. 5).
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43 HM.C. Portland MSS, v, 339; Bolingbroke to lords justices, 21 Sept. 1713(P.R.O., S.P 67/4, ff 86–7).
44 Sunderland to Nottingham, 14 Sept. 1713 (Leics. R.O., Finch MSS, box 4950, bundle 24); Oxford to Anglesey, 10 Nov 1713 (Nottingham University Library, Portland (Harley) MSS, Pw2 Hy 1475).
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47 Bp Lindsay to Charlett, 10 Apr. 1712 (Bodl., MS Ballard 8, f. 105). Stanley’s extensive whig connexions included John Forster, Speaker of the Irish commons, 1710–13, Robert Molesworth, the Evanses, Moncks and Tichbornes.
48 Perceval jn., Nov. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 47087, f. 41); A long history of a short session of a certain parliament in a certain kingdom ([Dublin], 1714), pp 5–6.
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50 Abp King to Francis Annesley, 14 Nov. 1713 (T.C.D., MS 2532, pp 222–3).
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55 Simms, J.G., ‘Irish catholics and the parliamentary franchise, 1692–1728’ in LH. S., 12, no. 45 (Mar. 1960), pp 34–5Google Scholar; Simms, , ‘Parliament of 1713’, pp 85–6.Google Scholar
56 Simms, , ‘Parliament of 1713’, p. 84.Google Scholar To Simms’s nine we might perhaps add Thomas Bellew (Mullingar), Theobald Bourke (Naas) and John Staunton (Galway). Three new converts’ also took their seats in the upper house: Lords Athenry, Dunkellin and Mayo.
57 Cox to Southwell, 24 Dec. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 38157, f. 41).
58 Alan to Thomas Brodrick, 10 Nov 1713 (Guildford Mun. Room, 1248/3, f. 133); Perceval jn., 25 Nov. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 47087, f. 43); Cox to Southwell, 26 Nov 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 38157, f. 27).
59 Perceval jn., 18 Mar. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 47087, ff 17-18); Henry Rose to David Crosbie, 21 Nov 1713 (N.L.I., Talbot-Crosbie papers).
60 Commons’ jn. Ire., ii, 743. Tories had expected a majority of between forty and sixty in the new house: Bp Lindsay to Charlett, 5 Nov 1713 (Bodl., MS Ballard 8, f. 65); Cox to Southwell, 7 Nov 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 38157, f. 21); Swift, Corr., i, 403. My own estimate of the election result, based on a contemporary analysis of the returns (B.L., Add. MS 34777, ff 46–7), would put their winning margin at nearer twenty-five.
61 Cox to Southwell, 26 Nov., 1 Dec. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 38157, ff 27, 29); ‘list of votes for Sir R. Levinge’ (B.L., Add. MS 34777, ff 90-91); [Abercorn] to Southwell, Jan. 1714 (P.R.O.N.I., Abercorn MSS, T.2541/I.K./10).
62 Cox to Southwell, 26 Nov 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 38157, f. 27). For examples, see Alan to Thomas Brodrick, 9 Dec. 1713 (Guildford Mun. Room, 1248/3, f. 138);Roseto Crosbie, 21 Nov., 8 Dec. 1713 (N.L.I., Talbot-Crosbie papers).
63 Newsletter, 1 Dec. 1713 (P.R.O., S.P 63/369/15).
64 Cox to Southwell, 8 Dec. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 38157, f. 31). The figure of ten votes gained is my own calculation from Commons’ jn. Ire.
65 DaiIy Courant, 26 Nov 1713; Perceval jn., 30 Nov 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 47087, f. 47); Stanley to Bolingbroke, 10 Dec. 1713 (T.C.D., MS 2021, p. 34).
66 Commons’jn. Ire., ii, 754, 758–64; Perceval jn., 10 Dec. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 47087, ff 45–6).
67 Commons’ jn. Ire., ii, 762, 764. The house of commons in Chichester House had, apparently, five skylights ( Gilbert, J.T., The parliament house, Dublin (Dublin, 1896), p. 19).Google Scholar
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72 Commons’ jn. Ire., ii, 770–76.
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74 Alan to Thomas Brodrick, 5 Jan. 1714 (Guildford Mun. Room, 1248/3, ff 151-2); Abercorn to Southwell, 5 Jan. 1714 (P.R.O.N.I., T.2541/I.K./11). I am grateful to the duke of Abercorn for permission to quote from his family papers.
75 H.M.C Bath MSS, i, 245.
76 Shrewsbury to Bolingbroke, 22 Dec. 1713, 29 Jan., 2 Feb. 1714 (P.R.O., S.P 63/369/44; 370/269, 267).
77 H.M.C. Bath MSS, i, 244.
78 Cox to Southwell, 19 Dec. 1713 (B.L., Add. MS 38157, f. 36).
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90 Perceval jn., 5 Jan. 1714 (B.L., Add. MS 47087, ff 52–3); H.M.C. Bath MSS, i, 245.
91 H.M.C. Portland MSS, v, 370–71, Bolingbroke, Corr., iv, 444; Bromley to Oxford, ‘Monday morning’ (B.L., Loan 29/310); Bolingbroke to Bromley, 15 Dec. 1713 (P.R.O., S.P 34/22, f. 114).
92 Bolingbroke, Corr., iv, 440–41.
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99 Lords’ jn. Ire., ii, 441–2.
100 Bolingbroke to Stanley, 5 Jan. 1714 (T.C.D., MS 2021, pp 69–71); P.R.O., S.P 63/362/10–11, 69; Bromley to Oxford, 4 Sept. [1713] (B.L., Loan 29/310).
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127 A point admitted even by those in England who none the less persisted in regarding him as a Jacobite. The duchess of Marlborough, for example, when discussing the part played by Anglesey in the Irish parliament of 1713, wrote, ‘if my Lord Anglesey is not a concealed papist I suppose he is to have an English estate given him instead of that in Ireland, which must go to the Roman Catholics when the prince of Wales is upon the throne, and he is not such a fool as not to know it’ (duchess of Marlborough to Mrs Boscawen, 17 Jan. 1714, Christ Church, Oxford, Evelyn MSS, letters 1706–63, ‘Mann-Marlborough’ box, no. 1874: by kind permission of the trustees of the will of Major Peter George Evelyn deceased).
128 Swift, Corr., i, 424.