1 The relevant manuscripts are: T.C.D., MS 1298 (H. 2.7.), cols 23 a 3, a 14; N.L.I., MS G. 2–3,9 rb 10, rb 15; Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, MS Advocates 7.2.6 (Gaelic VI), 5 (10) vc 9, vc 18. The first pedigree (that of Máel Coluim) was also recorded by Mícheál Ó Cléirigh, and both by Firbhisigh, Dubhaltach Mac (Pender, Séamus, ‘The O’Clery Book of Genealogies’ in Anal. Hib., no. 18 (1951), p.41; U.C.D., Add. Ir. MS 14,127 a)Google Scholar.

2 For example, see O’Brien, Corpus geneal. Hib., pp 134–5.

3 Ibid. For the pedigree of the Muinter Birn, descended from Ruaidrí mac Murchada, see ibid., p. 176.

4 Thus, for example, Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh; The war of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, ed. Todd, J.H. (Rolls Series, vol. 48, London, 1867), p. clxxiv n. 3 Google Scholar; Stokes, Whitley, ‘Old-Norse names in the Irish annals’ in The Academy, xxxviii (1890), p. 248 Google Scholar; Marstrander, Carl J.S., Bidrag til det norske sprogs historie i Irland (Oslo, 1915), p. 145 Google Scholar. For a possible derivation from Old English Herewulf, note Meyer, Kuno, ‘Altirisch Erulb n. pr. m.’ in Z.C.P., xiii (1919-21), p. 108 Google Scholar. However, the accumulation of Scandinavian onomastic and other material in association with this line (see below) must favour the Norse etymology.

5 See below, p. 163. In addition note Epolbh (for Erolbh), bishop of Limerick, who died in 1151 (A.F.M., s.a. 1151); and perhaps also Eralb (or Airea(r)lb) mac Duib meic Luacháin, who was ancestor of Uí Eruilb (Erailb or Ereilb), a segment of the Cenél Luacháin of Conmaicne Réin (County Leitrim) (see Bk Lee., 123 ra 26; B.B., 161 b 33; Bk Fen., pp 390–91).

6 Stokes derived the form Tomra(i)r from O.N. þorer or þóreirr, and the form Tomrir from þórir (‘Old-Norse names’, p. 249); and Cuív, Brian Ó derives Tomrar from Thórarr (‘Aspects of Irish personal names’ in Celtica, xviii (1986), p. 165)Google Scholar.

7 But see below, p. 164, for the chronological problems of the Clann Eruilb genealogy.

8 Cog. Gaedhel, pp 40–41.

9 Bugge, Alexander (ed.), On the Fomorians and the Norsemen by Duald Mac Firbis (Oslo, 1905), pp 3, 9Google Scholar. Bugge suggested, however, that Erbalb derived from O.N. Jarðulfr.

10 A number of possible persons called Amlaíb occur without patronymics in the sources at chronologically suitable points: Amlaíb Cennchairech (‘Sinful Head’) is recorded as active in Ireland between 933 and 937 in the Annals of the Four Masters; whereas an Amlaíb Arnaid (‘Fierce’) is described in the Banshenchas as the father of Ragnailt (O.N. Ragnhildr), mother of Muirchertach ua Congalaig (d. 994). The name Svarthøfþfôi (‘Black Head’) is less common in Irish sources, although it may correspond to the Gaelic name Dubcenn. A Sortadbud Sort (= ?O.N. Svarthøfuô Svart), king of the Orkneys, is mentioned in the late Ulster Cycle tale Cath Ruis na Ríg among a list of Scandinavians, but even if this figure could be considered historical, it is unlikely that he should be identified with the son of Erulb mac Murchada (Bk Leinster, iv, 764).

11 A.U., s.a. 948 = 949.1.

12 A.U., s.a. 957 = 958.3; A.F.M., s.a. 956.

13 A.U., s.a. 963 = 964.6; A.F.M., s.a. 962; Gleeson, Dermot and Airt, Seán Mac (eds), ‘The Annals of Roscrea’ in R.l.A. Proc., lix (1958), sect. C, p. 170 (§283)Google Scholar. For notices of the raid on Kildare without reference to Niall see also Ann. Inisf., s.a. 964.1; Chron. Scot., [962]; Ann. Clon., s.a. 958.

14 For the suggestion that there was only one Niall ua Eruilb whose money was used posthumously for the release of the Kildare clergy see Holm, Poul, ‘The slave trade of Dublin, ninth to twelfth centuries’ in Peritia, v (1986), p. 330 n. 36 Google Scholar.

15 A number of Vikings called Tomrar flourished in the mid-ninth century, but would be too early. In the following century one Tomrar mac Tomralt was slain by the Conmaicne Mara in 925 (A.F.M., s.a. 923), but his patronymic (probably from O.N. þóraldr or possibly þorvaldr) would not permit identification with either Tomrar of Clann Eruilb. The same applies to Tomrar mac Eilgi (O.N. Helgi), who was also active in the 920s. Finally, a Connmach Ua Tomrair, priest of Clonmacnoise, is said to have died in 1012 (A.F.M., s.a. 1011), but there is no evidence to connect his ancestry necessarily with the Clann Eruilb.

16 A.U., s.a. 1014; A.L.C., [1014]; Cog. Gaedhel, pp 164–5.

17 As it is possible that this Donnchad is Donnchad mac Áeda of Clann Eruilb, I use Ua Eruilb (not ua, as with Niall), since four generations would separate him from Erulb mac Murchada.

18 A.U., s.a. 1012 = 1013.8; Ann. Inisf., s.a. 1013.2; A.F.M., s.a. 1012; Chron. Scot., [1011].

19 In addition, a Conmáel (or Conamal) mac Gilla Airi, described as ardrí eile Gall (‘high-king of the other Gaill’), is said to have died in 980, which is perhaps a little early but not impossible for inclusion in Clann Eruilb.

20 Cog. Gaedhel, p. clxxiv n. 3.

21 Of course, these words must be qualified, as Scandinavians were not the sole perpetrators of violence against churches in this period, though how early one might expect an Irish dynast to have used fleets as his means of violence is interesting: see, for example, Lucas, A.T., ‘Irish–Norse relations: time for a re-appraisal’ in Cork Hist. Soc. Jn., lxxi 1966), pp 62–75 Google Scholar.

22 For these points see Cuív, Brian Ó, ‘Personal names as an indicator of relations between native Irish settlers in the Viking period’ in Bradley, John (ed.), Settlement and society in medieval Ireland: studies presented to F. X. Martin (Kilkenny, 1988), pp 81-4Google Scholar; idem, ‘Borrowed elements in the corpus of Irish personal names from medieval times’ in Nomina, iii 1979), pp 48–50. Exceptions to the pattern include the enigmatic Gofraid (O.N. Guôrøôr) mac Fergusa, king of Airgialla / Insi Gall (fl. 836–53), and the Scottish case of AmlaÍb mac Illduilb (d. 977) and his father.

23 A draft of this paper was read by David Dumville, and I am grateful for his comments; any errors, however, are my own.