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America and the Irish problem, 1899–1921
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2016
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The United States census of 1910 revealed that there were four and a half million people in the United States who had beenborn in Ireland, or who had at least one Irish-born parent. The figures did not reveal that many other Americans identified themselves with Ireland, the country of their grandparents, or even of their great-grandparents, and it was not unusual for Irish-American leaders at that time to claim the support of fifteen or twenty million fellow Irish-Americans. A great many of these had, indeed, managed to retain a sense of Irish identity and this was in part because they, or their forebears, had largely settled together in Irish ghettos in large cities. In addition they had been forced inwards to their Irish community for support when persecuted by the ‘ Know-nothings ’ and other nativist groups in the nineteenth century. This Irish subculture in which they lived was cultivated by three groups of fellow Irish-Americans who had an interest in promoting an Irish-American community, the better to control and command the Irish-Americans themselves; the Roman Catholic Church, which was very much an Irish Catholic Church in America, the Irish political bosses, interested in political power rather than Ireland, who had risen to power in the Democratic party by their ability to control the Irish vote, and a third group which utilized the audience they both nurtured, the Irish nationalists. The skill with which these nationalists mobilized Irish-Americans in support of Ireland’s claim to independence added an important dimension to the British government’s Irish problem for it became a problem for successive American governments too. As long as Ireland remained tied to England there were in America men and women prepared to emulate John Mitchel who had declared, when he first landed in New York in November 1853, that he intended to make use of the freedom guaranteed him in America to stimulate the movement for Irish independence. It is the object of this paper to review, albeit briefly and incompletely, the significance of the activities of these Irish-American nationalists in the struggle for Irish freedom and in the development of Anglo-American relations during the period from the Boer war, which began in October 1899, to the Anglo-Irish treaty of December 1921.
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References
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48 Released by the Committee on Public Information for publication in newspapers dated Sunday, 23 Sept., 1917.
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76 Tansill, , America and the fight for Irish freedom, pp 296–302.Google Scholar The three delegates were Frank P. Walsh, former chairman of the Commission on Industrial Relations and joint president of the National War Labor Board, Edward F. Dunne, a former mayor of Chicago and former governor of Illinois, both of whom were well known to the president, plus Michael J. Ryan, a Philadelphia lawyer and formerly national president of the United Irish League in America. Frank Walsh described the activities of the delegates to the senate committee on foreign relations. See U.S., Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Treaty of peace with Germany: hearings before the committee on foreign relations, 66 congress, 1 session, 1919, Senate doc. 106, pt. 17, pp 799 ff. House recorded his impressions of their dealings with him in his diary, vols 15 and 16 (House MSS).
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80 U.S., Congressional record, 66 congress, 1 session, 1919, v. 58, pt. 1, pp 728 ff.
81 See, for example, Tumulty to Wilson, 29, 31 Dec. 1918, 28 Jan. 1919 (Tumulty MSS, box 2); 5, 28 Feb., 1 Mar., 9 June 1919; Tumulty to Admiral Grayson, 7 June 1919 (ibid, box 3).
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88 The amount of money remaining in the U.S.A. was later the subject of extended litigation between the Irish Free State and republicans in Irish and American courts. Over two and a half million dollars were finally distributed to certificate holders in 1930. See Macardle, , Ir. republic, pp 1024–5Google Scholar; O’Doherty, op. cit., pp 66–9; State Dept. 841 d. 51/--; Maloney MSS, boxes 19, 22.
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90 See Report of the American Committee for Relief in Ireland, published by the committee in 1922; Evidence on the conditions in Ireland, and Interim report published by the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland, 1921. W. J. M. A. Maloney was the guiding spirit of both movements.
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92 The money was handled in Ireland by the Sinn Fein controlled Irish White Gross. See cabinet paper no. 2921, 9 May 1921 (GAB. 24/123); cabinet meeting 36/21 (4), 10 May 1921 (GAB. 23/25); memo, of meeting between Hughes and Ambassador Geddes, 23 May 1921 (Library of Congress, C. E. Hughes MSS, box 175), Macardle, Ir. republic, p. 435n.
93 Dumont to secretary of state, 28 Sept. 1920 (State Dept., 84id. 00/243).
94 Ibid., 2 Jan. 1920 (State Dept., 841d.00/119).
95 Ibid., 9 June 1921 (State Dept., 841.00/381).
96 First report of the cabinet committee on the Irish question, 4 Nov. 1919 cabinet paper 56 (CAB. 24/92).
97 Balfour memo, on Ireland, 25 Nov. 1919, cabinet paper 193 (CAB. 24/193).
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