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The Warfare of the Hittites-from the Legal Point of View*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

V. Korošec
V. Korošec*
Affiliation:
Ljubljana, Yugoslavia
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Extract

Hittite political history consists of a continuous series of wars. The Hittite empire, situated amidst bellicose neighbours and lacking natural frontiers, called for rulers whose power relied on strong armed forces. Every king, when he ascended the throne, at first had to fight against aggressive enemies, in order to keep the inherited territory intact, whereas later on during his reign, he usually endeavoured to expand its borders.

The sources on the warfare of Hittite kings are rather numerous; they can be traced from the very beginning of the Old kingdom until its disappearance (ca. 1600–1200 B.C.).

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 25 , Issue 2 , Autumn 1963 , pp. 159 - 166
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1963

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Footnotes

*

Cf. about the same matter: A. Goetze, Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft): Kleinasien, 2. Aufl., München 1957, (Das Kriegswesen) pp. 122–129; O. R. Gurney, The Hittites, 2nd ed. 1954, (Warfare) pp. 104–116.

References

1 K.Bo. X, 1–3Google Scholar; translated by Otten, H. in M.D.O.G. XCI, 1958, pp. 78–84Google Scholar.

All the dates in the text follow the chronology in Scharff, A. und Moortgat, A., Ägypten und Vorderasien im Altertum, München, 1950, esp. pp. 191 s., 489–503Google Scholar.

2 Sommer, F. und Falkenstein, A., Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des Ḫattušili I. (= H.A.B.) (Labarna II.) (Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philos.-historische Abt., N.F. Heft 16) München 1938Google Scholar.

3 For the Hittite text cf Forrer, E., Die Boghazköi-Texte in Umschrift (= 2.Bo.T.U.), Leipzig 1922–1926, Nr. 23A–GGoogle Scholar. For the translation cf. Friedrich, J., Der Alte Orient (= A.O., 24, 3) Leipzig 1925, p. 6 ss.Google Scholar; Sturtevant, E. H.-Bechtel, G., A Hittite Chrestomathy, Philadelphia 1935 (transcription and translation, where [p. 194Google Scholar] all the earlier translations are indicated), pp. 182 ss.

4 Güterbock, H. G., “The Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by his Son, Muršili II” in J.C.S. X, 1956, pp. 41–68, 75–98, 107–119)Google Scholar.

5 Goetze, A., “Die Annalen des Muršiliš” in M.V.Ae.G. XXXVIII, Leipzig 1933Google Scholar.

6 Ranoszek, R., Kronika króla hetyckiego Tuthaljasa (IV) Rocznik Orjentalistyczny, IX, pp. 43–112Google Scholar.

7 Goetze, A., “Ḫattušiliš. Der Bericht über seine Thronbesteigung nebst den Paralleltexten” in M.V.Ae.G. XXIX, 3 (1925)Google Scholar; “Neue Bruchstücke zum grossen Text des Ḫattušiliš und den Parallel-texten” in M.V.Ae.G. XXXIV, 2, Leipzig 1930Google Scholar.

8 Goetze, A., “Die Pestgebete des Muršiliš” (= Kleinasiatiscbe Forschungen, herausgegeben von F. Sommer und H. Ehelolf) Band I, Weimar 1930, pp. 161–251Google Scholar.

9 Cf. above n. 1.—Some characteristic sentences follow (based on the translation of Otten, , M.D.O.G., XCI, 1958, pp. 78 s.: v. 2–6)Google Scholar: “I marched to the town of Šaḫuitta, but I did not destroy (it). However, I devastated its territory. I left my troops behind in two places, and I gave them goods of all kinds. I marched to Zalbar and I destroyed it. I brought (ú-še-li) to the Sungoddess of Arinna the gods (of the conquered towns) and three majaltum carriages, to the temple of the Weathergod (I brought) a bull of silver, and further (I brought) nine (statues of) gods to the temple of (the goddess) Mezulla.

(v. 6 f.): Next year, I marhed to Alḫalḫa (= Alalaḫ) and destroyed it. Afterwards I marched to (the town of) Uršu.

(v. 9–11): On my way back I devastated the country of Uršu, and I filled my house with treasures. In the following year I marched to the country of Arzawa, I took away cattle and sheep.”

10 See n. 9 (v. 2).

11 K.Bo. X, 1, I, 15–20Google Scholar: “Upon the soil of Ullumma, there was no tillage any more” (v. 17 f.).

12 The cities of Haššu(wa) (v. I, 35 ff.) and of Ḫaḫḫu (v. II, 4 ff.) were plundered completely. Ḫattušiliš “heaped (the ruins of) Ḫaššuwa with dust” (v. I, 35 f.).

13 v. II, 24 f.

14 v. I, 5 (bull of silver). When speaking of the booty of the city of Ḫaššuwa, Ḫattušiliš I begins with the remark that “silver and gold (found there) had neither beginning nor end” (v. I 37). Then he enumerates many objects of silver or of gold.—One encounters a similar enumeration of objects of silver and of gold for the city of Ḫaḫḫu (v. II, 7–10).

15 K.Bo. X, 1, I, 36Google Scholar: With its goods (= of the city of Ḫaššu) he (= Ḫattušiliš I) filled (the city of) Ḫattušaš.—K.Bo. X, 1, II, 5 f.Google Scholar: Its (= of the city of Ḫaḫḫu) goods “I brought to my city of Ḫattušaš” (NÍG-BA-šu a-na URU-ja URUḪa-at-ti ub-lam). Cf. K.Bo. X, 1, I, 10Google Scholar: “I filled my house with treasures (out of the booty of Uršu; Cf. above note 1).”

16 K.Bo. X, 1, I, 4–6 (city of Zalbar)Google Scholar; I, 18–20 (city of Ullumma); I, 37–48 (city of ḪHaššuwa), II, 3 f. (city of Zippašna), II, 8 f. (city of Ḫaḫḫu).

17 K.Bo. X, 1, II 11–17Google Scholar. He liberated them “under the (open) sky” (v. 13 f.): ina šapal šmê AMA.AR.GI-šunu ašiakan(if.Otten, H., M.D.O.G. IX, 1958, p. 83, n.2Google Scholar).

18 Cf. above H.A.B. in n. 2.

19 H.A.B., p. 6 f., § 7, v. 37 f.; (in the subscription) H.A.B., p. 16 f., v. 1–3.

20 H.A.B., p. 8 f., § 8, v. 42, 44.

21 H.A.B., p. 6 f., § 7, v. 39–41.

22 H.A.B., p. 8 f., § 8, v. 46; § 9.

23 Cf. above n. 3.—Our citation follows the translations of Sturtevant-Bechtel, , A Hittite Chrestomathy, pp. 182 ffGoogle Scholar. and of Gurney, O. R., The Hittites, 2nd ed., pp. 21 fGoogle Scholar.

24 Op. cit., pp. 182–189.

25 Op. cit., pp. 182 f.: v. I, 1 f. (Labarnaš); v. 13 f. (Ḫattušiliš I.), v. 24 f. (Muršiliš I.).

26 “And on whatever campaign he went, he also by (his) strength (?) kept the hostile country in subjection. And he kept devastating countries, and he made the countries tremble (?).”—Cf. Op. cit., pp 182 ff., v. I, 5–7 (Labarnaš); v. 15–17 (Ḫattušiliš I); Cf. v. 26 f. (Muršiliš I.).

27 Op. cit., pp. 184 f., v, 28–31.

28 Op. cit., pp. 182 f., v. I, 8–12: “But when he (Labarnaš) returned from the campaign, one (of) his sons went to each (of) the countries—(v. 10 f.: the names of seven countries follow). They governed the countries; and the large cities were assigned (to them).”—l.c., v. 18–20: “Moreover, when in those days he returned from the campaign, one (of) his sons went to each (of) the countries; and the large cities were put into his hands ( = assigned [to them]).”

29 Op. cit., pp. 190 f., v. I, 45–60, Cf. p. 188, v. I, 28–30, 34 f.

30 Op. cit., pp. 188 ff., v. I, 40–43.

31 Op. cit., pp. 186 f., v. 16–19: “… I went to Ḫaššuwaš on a campaign, and I destroyed (ḫar-ni-in-ku-un) Ḫaḫḫuwa.”

32 Cf. above, n. 4.

33 Güterbock, H. G., “The Deeds of Suppiluliuma”, in J.C.S. X, 1956Google Scholar: (his father:) fragment 4, p. 60, v. 5; fr. 13, p. 66, v. D IV, 35 f.; (Šupp. himself:) fr. 25, p. 83, v. 20', 22' f.; fr. 34, pp. 108 ff., v. 6', 7', 11', 22', 34' f., 39' f., 43', 46'; fr. 35, p. III, v. 30', 32'; fr. 50, p. 118, v. 20'.

34 J.C.S., X, fr. 3, p. 60, v. 9' s.; fr. 11, p. 64, v. 14; fr. 11, p. 64, v. 14, fr. 15, p. 76, v. 34'; fr. 17, p. 78, v. 24'; fr. 25, p. 83, v. 10'; fr. 28, p. 94, v. 4.

35 J.C.S., X, fr. 14, p. 67, v. 20' f.; fr. 25, p. 83, v. 10'.—Š. restored the towns to their former inhabitants: fr. 13, p. 65, v. D. IV, 12–16.

36 J.C.S., X, p. 95, fr. 28, A, III, 27–E3 III, 15–20Google Scholar.

37 J.C.S., X, fr. 34, p. 110, 47–51Google Scholar.—Cf. J.C.S., X, fr. 34, v. 25 (“because the country of Darittara was at peace (?), Šupp. did not destroy it”)Google Scholar.

38 J.C.S., X, fr. 8, p. 62, v. 12' f. (his father)Google Scholar; Kargamiš: fr. 28, p. 95 f., v. E3, III, 17–20.—For the subjugation on the spot cf. fr. 24, p. 83, v. 9'; for the transplantation cf. fr. 25, p. 83, v. 23's.

39 Incidentally, however, Šuppiluliumaš mentions two treaties that are otherwise unknown: the (mythological ??) treaty concluded between the countries of Egypt and of Ḫatti (J.C.S., X, p. 98, fr. 28, E3 IV, 30 f.Google Scholar) and a treaty with an unknown vassal (J.C.S., X, p. 118, v. 13'Google Scholar).

40 Cf. above n. 5.—In the following notes, A. Goetze, “Die Annalen des Muršiliš” are quoted as A.M.

41 Muršiliš II mentions that he burned down a city in: K.Bo. III, 4, I, 35 (A.M., p. 22), II, 6 (p. 44), IV, 28, 42, 44, 52 f. (p. 126, 128 ff.); K.Bo. V, 8, I, 35 f. (p. 150); K.Bo. II, 5, I, 3 (p. 180), IV, 10 (p. 192); K.U.B. XIV, 16, I, 29 (A.M., p. 30), II, 6 (p. 40); K.U.B. XIV, 15, I, 3 (p. 32); K.U.B. XIV, 29 + K.U.B. XIX 3, I, 23 (p. 106); K.U.B. XIX, 36, I, 28 (p. 148); K.U.B. XIX, 37, II, 13 f. (p. 168), III, 4 (p. 172), 31, 33 (p. 176).—He burned down a country: K.Bo. III, 4, III, 65 (A.M., p. 80), III, 88 (p. 92); K.Bo. IV, 4, III, 38 f. (p. 128); K.Bo. V, 8, I, 35 f. (p. 150); K.U.B. XIV, 20, 20 f. (A.M., p. 196); K.U.B. XIX, 30, I [5] (p. 90), 9 (p. 92); K.U.B. XIX, 36, I, 28 (p. 148); K.U.B. XIX, 37, III, 29 (p. 175).—He destroyed a city: K.U.B. XIX, 37, III, 42 (A.M., p. 176), or a country: K.Bo. II, 5, II, 5–8, 35, 37, 39 (p. 182, 184), III, 10, 51, 52 (p. 186, 190); K.Bo. IV, 4, I, 24, 32 (p. 110).

42 K.Bo. III, 4, II, 41–44 (A.M., p . 86), III, 32–35, 52–54 (p. 76 ff.), IV, 40–43 (p. 136); K.U.B. XIV, 15, III, 51 and XIV, 16, III, 21 (p. 56); K.U.B. XIX, 37, II, 42–45 (P. 170).

It seems that in later time Muršiliš II more often tolerated the appropriation of booty (deportees, cattle and sheep) by the Bēl madgalti (cf. n. 58 below; K.Bo. II, 5, I, 13–17, A.M., p. 180), or by the Chief of the country (EN ŠA KUR) of the River Šeḫa (K.Bo. II, 5, II, 56–61, A.M., p. 186), or by the Hittite army (K.Bo. II, 5, II 12 f. and III, 52 f., A.M., p. 190; and even in earlier time: K.Bo. III, 4, II, 78, p. 64).

43 K.Bo. III, 4, III, 14–17 (AM., p. 70); K.Bo. IV, 4, III, 45–51 (p. 128), IV, 33–37 (p. 138); K.U.B. XIV, 15, III, 45 ff. (p. 56), IV, 27–32 (p. 70); K.U.B. XIV, 29 + K.U.B. XIX, 3, I, 1–3 (p. 104); 2.Bo.T.U. 56, IV, 7 ff. = K.U.B. XIX, 30, IV, 4 ff. (p. 104).

44 Cf. below n. 58.

45 The country of Kalašma ceased to supply troops to Muršiliš II; its elders did not come to salute him. Cf. K.Bo. V, 8, IV, 5 ff. (A.M., p. 160).

46 K.U.B. XIV, 15, I, 12 ff. (A.M., p. 34); K.Bo. III, 4, III, 93 ff. = K.U.B. XIV, 17, III, 5–19 (p. 96).

47 Cf. nn. 45–46.

48 K.U.B. XIV, 15, I, 11 (A.M., p. 34), K.Bo. II, 5. II, 40 (P. 184).

49 K.U.B. XIV, 16, II, 10 ff. (A.M., p. 42); K.Bo. IV, 4, I, 41 ff. (p. 110).

50 K.Bo. V, 8, I, 39 f. (A.M., p. 150).

51 K.Bo. IV, 4, IV, 13; cf. IV, 23 f. (A.M., pp. 134 ff.).

52 Goetze, A., “Die Pestgebete des Muršiliš” (see above n. 8), pp. 208 ff.Google Scholar, § 4 f.

53 See above, n. 6.

54 K.U.B. XXIII, 1, IV, 1–18. Cf. Sommer, F., “Die Aḫḫijava-Urkunden” (Abhandlungen der Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., Philos.-hist. Abt., N.F.6, München 1932) p. 321Google Scholar; V. Korošec, , Hethitische Staatsverträge (Leipziger rechtsw. Studien, H.60) Leipzig 1931, PP. 75 fGoogle Scholar.

55 Nougayrol, Jean, Le Palais royal d'Ugarit (publié sous la direction de Claude F.-A. Schaeffer) IV: “Textes accadiens des Archives Sud”, Paris, 1956, pp. 150 f.Google Scholar, no 17.59.

56 P.e.: K.Bo. III, 4, I, 27 ff., 38 f. (A.M., p. 22); K.U.B. XIV, 16, I, 27 f. (p. 30); K.Bo. III, 4, I, 60 f. (Bo. II, 43, 20); K.U.B. XIV, 15, I, 1 f. (pp. 32 ff.); K.U.B. XIV, 16, II, 17 (p. 42), and passim.

57 Goetze, A., “Ḫattušiliš” (see above, n. 7), p. 28, v. 72 ff.Google Scholar;—“Die Annalen des Muršiliš” K.Bo. III, 4, II, 14 (p. 46); K.U.B. XIV, 17, III, 17–19 (p. 98).

58 K.U.B. XIII, 2; for the transcription and translation cf. von Schuler, Einar, “Hethitische Dienstanweisungen für höhere Hof- und Staatsbeamte” (Archiv für Orientforschung, Beiheft 10) Graz 1957Google Scholar; cf. further Korošec, V., “Bēl madgalti” (Zbornik znanstvenih razprav, VIII, 1942, pp. 139 ff.)Google Scholar Ljubljana.

59 Weidner, E. F., “Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien” (= Bo. St. 8–9) Leipzig 1923, p. 116, v. 22, 24Google Scholar: a-na la-ki-e mi-im-ma.

60 K.Bo. X, 1, I, 17 f.: i-na qa-aq-qa-ri-šu ú-ul i-da-ar-ra-aš-šu ad-ta-ru-šu: Often, H., M.D.O.G. XCI, 1958, p. 78Google Scholar translates: Die Stadt Ullumma vernichtete ich, auf ihrem Boden bestellte ich (den Acker) nicht mehr, liess ihn brach (?)”. In the Hittite version (K.Bo. X, 2, I, 36 f.) : “an seiner Stelle säte ich Unkraut” (M.D.O.G. XCI, n. 20Google Scholar).

61 The inscription of Anittaš, King of Kuššara has been published by E. Forrer, 2 Bo.T.U. 7 + 30. Cf. Hrozný, Fr., Archiv Orient´lni, I, 1929, pp. 273–299Google Scholar; Friedrich, J., A.O. 24, 3, 1925, 1 f.Google Scholar; Güterbock, H. G., Z.A., N.F. X, 1938, pp. 139 ff.Google Scholar; Goetze, A., Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients: Kleinasien, 2. Aufl., München 1957, pp. 84, 172, A.5Google Scholar; Otten, H., M.D.O.G. LXXXIII, 1957, 40 ff.Google Scholar, Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients, Stuttgart (Kröners Taschenausgabe), pp. 335 f.; Kammenhuber, Annelies, “Die hethitische Geschichtsschreibung” (Saeculum, IX/2, 1958, Stuttgart, pp. 148 ff.)Google Scholar.

62 K.U.B. XIX, 37, II, 15–19 (A.M., p. 168).—Muršiliš II dedicated the territory to the Weathergod (šippandaḫḫun), he proclaimed it as sacrosanct (?) (šuppijaḫḫun), fixed its boundaries (ZAG.MEŠ teḫḫun) and ordered that no man should dwell there.

63 For the translation and transcription see Friedrich, J., Der Alte Orient, 25, 2, p. 22 f.Google Scholar, and Hethitisches Elementarbuch, 2. Teil, Heidelberg 1945, p. 42 f.

64 A. Goetze, Ḫattuḫiliḫ (M.V.Ae.G. 29, 3), p. 16, v. II, 15 f.

65 Luckenbill, D. D., Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, Vol. I: Chicago, 1926, pp. 38 ff.Google Scholar: Inscriptions of Shalmaneser I, No. 116, p. 40: …One hundred and eighty of his cities I overturned to tells and ruins.

The army of Hittites and Ahlamî (Arameans) his allies, I slaughtered like sheep.—Ebeling, E.–Meissner, B.– Weidner, E. F., Die Inschriften der altassyrischen Köuge (Altorientalische Bibliothek), Leipzig 1926, pp. 118 f.Google Scholar: v. 33–35: “Ihre Krieger erschlug ich, 14400 Lebende von ihnen blendete ich (ú-ni-pil), schleppte ich fort.”

Cf. Weidner, E. F., Die Inscbriften Tukulti-Ninurtas I und seiner Nachfolger (Archie für Orientforschung, Beiheft 12) Graz 1959, p. 2, vv. 31–39Google Scholar. “With their corpses I filled the gorges and abysses of the mountains. On the sides of their city-gate I amassed [in heaps] their corpses. Their cities I devastated, I destroyed, I transformed them into tells and clusters.”

Cf. Jelitto, J., Die peinlichen Strafen im Kriegs- und Rechtswesen der Babylonier und Assyrer. Inaug.-Dissertation, Breslau 1913Google Scholar.

66 Güterbock, H. G., Deeds of Suppiluliuma: fragment 3, v. 12' (p. 60)Google Scholar, fr. 8, v. 8', 16' (p. 63), fr. 14, v. 53' (p. 68), fr. 15, v. 12' (p. 75), fr. 17, v. 5' (p. 78), fr. 37, v. 16' (p. 112), fr. 40, v. 5' (p. 114), fr. 43, v. 11 f. (p. 115), fr. 45, v. 11' (p. 115), fr. 50, v. 18' (p. 118).—Muršiliš II shows a similar reserve when he remarks (K.Bo. II, 5, III, 36, p. 188): “They caught (as prisoners) many enemies, they killed many of them.”

67 Gurney, O. R., The Hittites, 1954, p. 115Google Scholar.

68 Sommer, F., H.A.B. (above, n. 2), pp. 120 ff.Google Scholar, 282 considers the LÚ GIŠKU not as “a man of arms” (Hrozný, Fr., Code Hittite, § 40 f., 47Google Scholar: “un homme d'armes”) but as “a man of the tool” (cf. Gurney, O. R., The Hittites, p. 70Google Scholar), i.e. “free craftsmen or free men belonging to the middle-class, with landed property.”—In my opinion the meaning of the LÚ GIŠKU still remains controversial.