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The Nimrud Ivories, 1: The Flame and Frond School*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

Georgina Herrmann
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Extract

The volume of ivories found at Nimrud is overwhelming. Nevertheless, this very quantity presents us with unique opportunities to investigate the ivory trade in the early first millennium B.C. It allows us to gather together groups of similar styles and thus, if it can be accepted that a coherent style-group was probably the output of a specific “school” of carving, to define the production of different schools. The principal purpose of this article is to try to reconstruct the output of one of these schools, the flame and frond school, which belongs to the North Syrian tradition of ivory-carving. After bringing together some of its products, another aim is to suggest the school's original location and the time of its floruit.

Only a minority of the ivories found at Nimrud were in the easily recognizable Assyrian style, best known from the wall reliefs. The remainder were carved in a variety of styles and techniques and were almost certainly brought to Nimrud as booty or tribute. As early as 1912 Poulsen suggested that these ivories could be divided into two groups, the Phoenician and the North Syrian. The criteria he used to distinguish them were the absence of Egyptian elements on North Syrian ivories and the relationship between North Syrian ivories and reliefs found at Syrian sites such as Carchemish, Zincirli, Maras and Tell Halaf.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 51 , 1989 , pp. 85 - 109
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1989

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Footnotes

*

This article is designed to supplement the continuing series of publications of the ivories found between 1949 and 1963 at Nimrud by the British School of Archaeology in Iraq, Ivories from Nimrud I–IV. These fascicules are designed to publish a group of material within the limits defined by the individual catalogue, style, function and/or provenance. This article, on the other hand, brings together selected pieces found anywhere on the site, whether recovered in the nineteenth or twentieth centuries, according to their style-group. It is hoped that this first article will be followed by others discussing other groups of material.

I am very grateful to Dr. Mu'ayyad Sa'id Damerji for giving me permission to illustrate some of the fine ivories found by S.O.A.H. in Well AJ of the North West Palace, Plates VIII–XIII, and to the Trustees of the British Museum and Terence Mitchell, Keeper of Western Asiatic Antiquities in the British Museum, for permission to illustrate part of a bronze bowl, N 17, found by Layard in the North West Palace. Photographs of the Fort Shalmaneser ivories are reproduced by kind permission of the British School of Archaeology in Iraq. I should also like to thank Tessa Rickards for finding time to prepare the line drawings.

I am much indebted to many friends and colleagues for helpful and stimulating discussions. Among these I should particularly like to thank Alan Millard, John Curtis, Michael Roaf, Roger Moorey and David Hawkins.

References

1 Mallowan, M. and Davies, L. G., Ivories from Nimrud II, Ivories in Assyrian Style (1970), hereafter I.N. IIGoogle Scholar.

2 Poulsen, F., Der Orient und die frühgriechische Kunst (1912)Google Scholar.

3 Mallowan, M. and Herrmann, G., Ivories from Nimrud III, Furniture from SW 7, Fort Shalmaneser (1974), pp. 35–8Google Scholar; Winter, I.J., “Carved Ivory Furniture Panels from Nimrud: A Coherent Subgroup of the North Syrian Style”, Metropolitan Museum Journal 11 (1976), pp. 25–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Winter, , “Phoenician and North Syrian Ivory Carving in Historical Context: Questions of Style and Distribution”, Iraq 38 (1976), pp. 35–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Winter, , “Is there a South Syrian Style of Ivory Carving in the Early First Millennium B.C.?”, Iraq 43 (1981), pp. 101–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Barnett, R. D., Ancient Ivories in the Middle East, Qedem 14 (1982)Google Scholar, hereafter Qedem 14; Herrmann, G., Ivories from Nimrud IV, Ivories from Room SW 37, Fort Shalmaneser (1986), hereafter I.N. IV, pp. 48–53Google Scholar.

4 Herrmann, I.N. IV, p. 52.

5 Herrmann, ibid., pp. 52–3.

6 Herrmann, ibid., pp. 16–17.

7 Safar, Fuad and al Iraqi, Muyasser Sa'id, Ivories from Nimrud (1987)Google Scholar, and the catalogue of the Turin Exhibition, The Land between Two Rivers, Turin, 1985Google Scholar, hereafter Turin Catalogue, particularly nos. 177, 180 and 181.

8 Barnett, R. D., A Catalogue of the Nimrud Ivories (2nd ed., 1975), hereafter C.N.I., pp. 156–7Google Scholar; Barnett, , Qedem 14, pp. 14, 44Google Scholar; Barag, D., “Glass Inlays and the Classification and Dating of Ivories from the Ninth–Eighth Centuries B.C.”, An. St. 33 (1983), p. 164Google Scholar; Herrmann, ibid., pp. 49, 56.

9 Herrmann, ibid., p. 56.

10 These wide dowel holes are not unique to flame and frond ivories but also occur on ivories of the “round-cheeked and ringletted” school, see ibid., pp. 19, 28, 49 and 57. Pieces belonging to this school include nos. 888–922 from SW37, ibid., pp. 183–7, as well as some superb ivories found in Well AJ, Safar and al-Iraqi, Ivories from Nimrud, no. 1, IM 79501 and 79502, the remarkable cosmetic tray, no. 21, IM 79525, an openwork roundel of a human-headed bird, represented frontally, and no. 29, IM 79533, a panel with a lion. Another piece which may belong to this school is the magnificent statue of a human, made up of a number of pieces, no. 16, IM 79520. Nos. 1 and 21 are illustrated in Turin Catalogue, nos. 170 and 171.

11 Barnett, R. D., C.N.I., Pls. CI–CVIGoogle Scholar. These calves were not always fixed by dowel holes but were sometimes attached by keyhole slots. The patterning on the calves remains the same, whichever method of fixing was chosen.

12 The plain backs of the openwork ivory panels were only reproduced in I.N. IV if some special feature was present, such as a fitter's mark; see, for instance, I.N. IV, Pls. 96, 108, 112, 114, etc. For striated backs of these panels see ibid., Pls. 94–5, 98 and 125.

13 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 6, IM 79508 and 79510, Pls. 19a–d; Turin Catalogue, no. 177, pp. 404–7, coloured illustration, p. 331, and no. 180, pp. 408–9, coloured illustration, p. 326.

14 Turin Catalogue, pp. 406–7.

15 Safar and al-Iraqi, loc. cit.; Turin Catalogue, no. 180, pp. 408–9, coloured illustration, p. 326.

16 Safar and al-Iraqi, loc. cit., Turin Catalogue, no. 177, pp. 406–7.

17 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 10, Pls. 35–1.

18 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 9, Pls. 29–34; Turin Catalogue, no. 181, pp. 409–12, coloured illustration, p. 332.

19 Porada, E., “Notes on the Sarcophagus of Ahiram”, Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 5 (1973) (hereafter J.A.N.E.S.), pp. 355–64Google Scholar.

20 Hrouda, B., Tell Halaf IV: Die Kleinfunde aus Historischer Zeit (1962), p. 65, Pl. 48, 8Google Scholar.

21 Muscarella, O. W., The Catalogue of Ivories from Hasanlu, Iran, University Museum Monographs 40, Philadelphia (1980), nos. 226, 228, 230–3 and 235Google Scholar.

22 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 11, Pls. 42–46.

23 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 7, Pls. 20–5: Turin Catalogue, no. 179, pp. 407–8, coloured illustration, p. 331.

24 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., Pl. 22: Barnett, , Qedem 14, p. 44, fig. 18Google Scholar.

25 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 15, Pls. 53–4; Turin Catalogue, no. 178, p. 407, coloured illustration, p. 330.

26 Barnett, R. D., C.N.I., Pls. XIX–XXIGoogle Scholar. The carving of S 14 and S 17 is exceptionally fine and the patterning superbly worked. Remains of numerous peg-holes can be seen in the cloisons.

The reconstruction of S 13 may be incorrect. The design of the Well AJ pyxis (Plate IX) suggests that a pyxis would have been decorated with two pairs of opposed standing sphinxes, see Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 10, IM 79514, Pls. 35–9, rather than a pair of standing sphinxes and a pair of couchant ones as suggested for the Burnt Palace pyxis. It is possible that the fragments belong to two pyxides rather than one.

27 Ibid., Pl. XIX and XXV.

28 Ibid., Pls. XXI and XXIV.

29 Ibid., Pl. XVIII.

30 Ibid., Pl. XXIII.

31 Ibid., Pl. XXII–III and XXVI.

32 Ibid., Pl. XXVI.

33 Ibid., S4, Pl. XXII; S8 and 26, Pl. XXIII; S 20, Pl. XXVI; and S 12, Pl. XXVII.

34 Ibid., Pl. XXIX.

35 Ibid., Pls. XXX–XXXI.

36 Ibid., Pls. CI–CVI.

37 Ibid., S 353–4, Pl. XCVIII.

38 Ibid., Pl. LXVII.

39 Ibid., Pl. XXXVIII.

40 Mallowan, M. E. L., Nimrud & Its Remains I (1966)Google Scholar, hereafter N. & R. I, pp. 218–20Google Scholar.

41 For instance, Barnett, ibid., S 172–4, Pl. LXX, S 175–7 and S 181, Pl. LXXI, S 190–4, Pl. LXXII, and S212, Pl.LXXIII; Mallowan, , N. & R. I, fig. 159, ND2103Google Scholar.

42 Barnett, ibid., S 206–11, Pls. LXXIII–LXXV; Mallowan, ibid., figs. 146–7.

43 Mallowan, , N. & R. II, pp. 516–20, fig. nos. 420–3Google Scholar.

44 Mallowan, and Herrmann, , I.N. III, pp. 35–6Google Scholar; and Herrmann, , I.N. IV, p. 47Google Scholar.

45 These pieces are unpublished, but it is hoped that they will appear in Ivories from Nimrud VI (in preparation), which will record the collection found in SW 12. So far, fragments of panels with ram-headed sphinxes, ND 12160 and ND 13854–5; a feline-headed sphinx, ND 11085; and a human-headed sphinx, ND 14007, have been recorded and photographed.

46 Herrmann, , I.N. IV, nos. 586-91, Pls. 138–9Google Scholar; see also Mallowan, , N. & R. II, p. 545, fig. 471Google Scholar.

47 I.N. IV, nos. 561–2, p. 144, Pls. 130–1Google Scholar; Mallowan, ibid., p. 592, fig. 570.

48 I.N. III, no. 103, p. 112, Pl. CIVGoogle Scholar.

49 I.N. IV, nos. 683–8, pp. 159–60, Pls. 168–70Google Scholar.

50 I.N. III, no. 21, pp. 79–80, Pls. XXVIII–XXXIIIGoogle Scholar.

51 Reade, J. E., “Nimrud”, in Fifty Tears of Mesopotamian Discovery, ed. Curtis, J. E. (1982), p. 110, fig. 82Google Scholar.

52 I.N. IV, nos. 1441–2, p. 250, Pls. 380–3Google Scholar.

53 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., Pl. 32; Porada, , JANES 5, Pl. la, fig. 5Google Scholar.

54 Mallowan, , N. & R. II, p. 559, figs. 498–9Google Scholar.

55 I.N. IV, no. 1387, p. 246, Pl. 362Google Scholar.

56 Barnett, C.N.I., Pls. XVIII–XXI, and XXV.

57 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 6, IM 79508 and 79510, Pls. 19a–d, Turin Catalogue, no. 177, pp. 404–7; Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 7, IM 79511, Pls. 30–5, Turin Catalogue, no. 179, pp. 407–8; Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 15, IM 79519, Turin Catalogue, no. 178, p. 407.

58 Mallowan, ibid., II, p. 519, ND 6379, fig. 422.

59 Mallowan, ibid., II, ND 10501, fig. 570, p. 592; I.N. IV, no. 561, Pl. 130.

60 I.N. IV, nos. 683–8, Pls. 168–70.

61 Reade, loc. cit.

62 Orchard, J.J., Ivories from Nimrud 1, 2, Equestria Bridle Harness Ornaments (1967), nos. 75–97, pp. 14–17, Pls. XIV–XVIIGoogle Scholar.

63 Orchard, ibid., no. 76, p. 14, Pl. XIV.

64 Orchard, ibid., no. 75, p. 14, Pl. XIV.

65 Barnett, ibid., S 1, Pl. XVIII, S 29a, Pl. XXIII.

66 I.N. III, no. 105, p. 113, Pl. CV-CVII: the more finely carved strip is no. 105a, Pl. CVIGoogle Scholar.

67 See Binford, L. R., “Archaeology as Anthropology”, Am. Ant. 28 (1962), p. 224Google Scholar: “all other factors being equal, a trait or artifact type probably originated somewhere near the centre of its distribution”.

68 Moortgat, A., Teil Halaf III, Die Bildwerke (1955), pp. 15–9, Pls. 10–102Google Scholar. Orthmann, W., Untersuchungen zur späthethitischen Kunst (1971), pp. 119–29Google Scholar.

69 Moortgat, ibid., pp. 22–8, Pls. 103–122; Orthmann, loc. cit.

70 OLZ 1955, Nr. 10, 451–5.

71 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 41–2, A3, 56–8.

72 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 43–48, A 3, 61–70.

73 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 48–50, A 3, 71–4; Pl. 64, A 3, 101.

74 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 51–5, A 3, 77–85; Pls. 83–5, A 3, 143–5 and 147 and Pls. 64–5, A 3, 102–4.

75 Moortgat, ibid., Pl. 86, A 3, 148.

76 Moortgat, ibid., Pl. 87, A 3, 150–1; Pl. 91, A3, 158–9.

77 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 89–90, A 3, 154–7.

78 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 67–70, A3, 108–14.

79 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 70–8, A 3, 115–33.

80 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 79–83, A 3, 134–41.

81 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 105–6, Ba, 3–4.

82 Moortgat, ibid., Pl. 103, Ba, 1.

83 Moortgat, ibid., Pl. 109, Ba, 6.

84 Moortgat, ibid., Pl. 109, Ba, 7.

85 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 112, 114–5, and 117–8, Bb, 1–6.

86 Moortgat, ibid., Pls. 114–5.

87 Moortgat, ibid., pp. 5–7, Figs. 1–2; Hrouda, , Teil Halaf TV, pp. 3-4 and 19, Pl. 1Google Scholar.

88 Moortgat, ibid., pp. 5–7.

89 See note 87. For a similar scene on a small stone slab, see Moortgat, ibid., Pl. 86, A 3, 148.

90 Moortgat, ibid., pp. 6–7, Pls. 70b–78, A 3, 115–33.

91 See note 87.

92 Hrouda, ibid., no. 271, Pls. 43 and 50.

93 Hrouda, ibid., p. 66, Pl. 48, 8.

94 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 9, IM 79513, Pl. 32; Turin Catalogue, no. 181, lower colour plate on p. 332. As Hrouda pointed out, it can also be seen on one of the sculptures at Karatepe: Hrouda, loc. cit. Akurgal, E., The Art of the Hittites (1962), Pl. 142Google Scholar.

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95 Hrouda, ibid., Pl. 33, no. 61; Hyslop, K. R. Maxwell, Western Asiatic Jewellery c. 3000–612 B.C. (1971), pp. 241–2Google Scholar. For sculptures of Aššurnaṣirpal II see, for instance Barnett, R. D., Assyrian Sculpture in the British Museum (1975), Pls. 35–37Google Scholar.

96 Mallowan, , N. & R. II, pp. 448–9Google Scholar, f and g. For illustrations on ivory of the earring as tribute, see I.N. II, Pl. XXI, no. 69, Pl. XXIV, no. 76, and Pl. XXIX, no. 100.

97 Moortgat, ibid., pp. 12–13.

98 Moortgat, ibid., pp. 11–14. Barnett, , Qedem 14, p. 45Google Scholar, suggests that this Shaft Grave belongs to the late tenth century, while Hrouda, , in “Halaf, Tell”, RIA IV, p. 54, argues for a ninth century dateGoogle Scholar.

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100 Moortgat, ibid., figs. 11–12, p. 13. Hrouda, ibid., pp.9 and 21, Pl. 9a.

101 See, for instance, Barnett, C.N.I., Pls. LXX–LXXIV.

102 Muscarella, O. W., The Catalogue of Ivories from Hasanlu, Iran, University Museum Monograph 40, Philadelphia (1980), pp. 1–2 and referencesGoogle Scholar.

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104 Dyson, R. H. and Muscarella, O. W., “Constructing the Chronology and Historical Implications of Hasanlu IV”, Iran 27 (in press)Google Scholar. I am very grateful to Dr. Vesta Curtis for allowing me to see this article prior to publication.

105 Muscarella, ibid., pp. 192–9.

106 Muscarella, ibid., nos. 226–35, pp. 120–3.

107 Loc. cit.

108 Barnett, C.N.I., Pl. XIX.

109 Muscarella, ibid., pp. 121, 123 and 125.

110 Safar and al-Iraqi, ibid., no. 9, Pl. 30.

111 Muscarella, ibid., p. 125.

112 Muscarella, ibid., p. 137.

113 I am very grateful to John Curtis for permitting me to see the Nimrud bowls, of which he is currently preparing a catalogue. Layard, A. H., A Second Series of the Monuments of Nineveh (1853), Pl. 64Google Scholar. See also Kantor, H.J., “Oriental Institute Museum Notes no. 13, A Bronze Plaque with Relief Decoration from Tell Tainat”, JNES 21 (1962), p. 99Google Scholar, fig. 7; and Winter, , “North Syria as a Bronzeworking Centre in the Early First Millennium B.c.: Luxury Commodities at Home and Abroad” in Curtis, J. E. (ed.), Bronze-working Centres of Western Asia, c. 1000–539 B.C. (1988), p. 199Google Scholar.

114 Kantor, , JNES 21, pp. 93–117Google Scholar; Winter, ibid.

115 Kantor, ibid., p. 95.

116 Ingholt, H., Rapport Préliminaire sur sept campagnes de fouilles à Hama en Syrie (1932-1938) (1940), Pl. 34Google Scholar, modified in Barnett, , C.N.I., p. 47, figs. 46 and 47Google Scholar. I am very grateful to Marie Louise Buhl for lending me photographs of the Hama ivories.

117 Hawkins, J. D., “Hamath”, RIA IV, pp. 67–70Google Scholar.

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123 “Carchemish ša kišad Puratti”, An. St. 33 (1983), pp. 177–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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125 Winter, ibid., p. 185.

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128 For a review of current opinion with references, see Muscarella, ibid., pp. 204–5.

129 Kantor, ibid., p. 173.

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131 Kantor, ibid., fig. 3.

132 Barnett, ibid., Pl. 30d.

133 Akurgal, The Art of the Hittites, Pls. 94 and 96.

134 Akurgal, ibid., Pl. 132; Orthmann, ibid., Pls. 49b and 61e.

135 Winter, , An. St. 33, p. 185Google Scholar.

136 Barnett, ibid., Pls. 30d and 45; and Mallowan, and Herrmann, , I.N. III, no. 1, Panel 9, Pl. IIIGoogle Scholar.

137 Porada, , JANES 5 (1973), pp. 362–1Google Scholar.

138 Ibid., p. 364.

139 Hrouda, , RIA IV, p. 54Google Scholar.

140 Hawkins, J. D., C.A.H. III/1, p. 381Google Scholar.

141 Grayson, A. K., Assyrian Royal Inscriptions 2 (1976), p. 84Google Scholar; Hawkins, ibid., pp. 389–90.

142 Grayson, ibid., pp. 90–1, §434.

143 Grayson, ibid., p. 128, §553–“I received tribute from the Zallean, a man of Bit-Bahiani”: p. 141, §584.

144 Grayson, ibid., p. 141, §584.

145 Hawkins, ibid., p. 391.

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148 Millard and Bordreuil, ibid., p. 139; Abou-Assaf, Bordreuil and Millard, ibid., p. 103; Grayson, ibid., p. 210.

149 Hawkins, ibid., p. 399.

150 Grayson, A. K., “Assyria: Ashur-Dan II to Ashur-nirari V (934–745 B.C.)”, C.A.H. III/1, pp. 272–3Google Scholar; Hawkins, ibid., p. 399.

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152 Luckenbill, ibid., p. 435; Abou-Assaf, Bordreuil and Millard, p. 100.

153 Millard and Bordreuil, loc. cit.; Luckenbill, pp. 435, 437 and 438. The eponym of 763, Bur-sagale, had an Aramean name.

154 Moortgat, ibid., pp. 38 if.

155 Postgate, J. N., “The Columns of Kapara”, AfO 29/30 (1983/1984), p. 55Google Scholar.

156 Frankfort, H., Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient (1958), p. 175Google Scholar, dates all the Aramaean buildings and sculptures at Tell Halaf to between 894 and 808; Barnett, , C.N.I., p. 49Google Scholar, agrees with a tenth–ninth century date for the three graves from the Acropolis, and with the last half of the ninth century for Kapara, although he prefers a late tenth century date for the tombs in Qedem 14, pp. 45–6Google Scholar. Mallowan, , N. & R. I, p. 331, n. 22, p. 344, n. 18Google Scholar, places Kapara in the iast quarter of the ninth century. Orthmann, ibid., p. 127, following Moortgat and Hrouda, also agrees with a ninth century date, the graves in the earlier part and Kapara later. A late ninth century date is also accepted by Millard, ibid., p. 136. Genge, however, prefers an early ninth century date for Genge, Kapara—H., Nordsyrisch-südanatolische Reliefs (1979), pp. 125–8Google Scholar.

157 Millard and Bordreuil, ibid., pp. 135–41; Abou-Assaf, Bordreuil and Millard, ibid., pp. 98–113.

158 See note 156.

159 Hawkins, , C.A.H. III/1, pp. 382–5Google Scholar.

160 Hawkins, loc. cit.

161 The tribute extracted from Abi-salamu by Adad-nirari II would probably have been stored at Assur, capital of the Assyrian kingdom at that time.

162 Booty would probably have been stored in the current capital. After Sargon had moved to Dur-Šarrukin he would presumably have stored booty in his new ekal māsanthišarli, Palace F, which he built there. Sennacherib and Esarhaddon, in their turn, had their own ekal māšarti at Nineveh.