Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-mkpzs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-23T00:28:56.308Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

KING OF THE FOUR QUARTERS: DIVERSITY AS A RHETORICAL STRATEGY OF THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 September 2019

J. DeGrado
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Recent studies of cultural interaction in the Assyrian empire have focused on the process of assimilation and the production of alterity. In this article, I argue that Assyrian royal rhetoric goes beyond emphasizing simple difference, instead using depictions of cultural diversity to demonstrate the truly universal nature of the empire. I elucidate this rhetoric by comparison the world fairs of the 19th and early 20th-centuries. These fairs advanced European imperialism by allowing visitors to explore the vast extent of empire. I argue that the enumeration of exotic tribute in Assyrian texts and the iconographic depiction of foreigners on reliefs similarly served to concretize Assyrian power. Unlike modern European empires, however, Assyrians did not consider ethnicity to be constitutive of citizenship. Thus, while the Assyrian approach to diversity was certainly instrumentalizing, it was also inclusive of cultural difference. In this respect, the Assyrian understanding of human diversity shares much in common with the way the empire treated other types of difference, ranging from topographic variation to biodiversity. From the imperial vantage point, each of these elements had the potential to be tamed in a way that highlighted the control of the king over the four quarters of the world.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 81 , December 2019 , pp. 107 - 125
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

About, E. 1896. Le fellah: souvenirs d’Égypte. Paris: Hachette.Google Scholar
Albenda, P. 1974. “Grapevines in Ashurbanipal's Garden.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 215: 5–17.Google Scholar
Albenda, P. 1982. “Observations on Egyptians in Assyrian Art.” Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 4: 5–23.Google Scholar
Albenda, P. 1983. “A Mediterranean Seascape from Khorsabad.” Assur 3: 1–34.Google Scholar
Albenda, P. 1986. The Palace of Sargon, King of Assyria: Monumental Wall Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin, from Original Drawings Made at the Time of Their Discovery in 1843–1844 by Botta and Flandin. Paris: Editions recherche sur les civilisations.Google Scholar
Albenda, P. 2018. “Royal Gardens, Parks, and the Architecture Within: Assyrian Views.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 138: 105–20.Google Scholar
Ataç, M. A. 2010. The Mythology of Kingship in Neo-Assyrian Art. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Balzotti, J. M. 2016. “Rhetoric, Spectacle, and Mechanized Amusement at the World's Columbian Exposition.” Studies in Visual Arts and Communications 3: 1–8.Google Scholar
Barkey, K. 2008. Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: University Press.Google Scholar
Barnett, R. D. 1950. “The Excavations of the British Museum at Toprak Kale near Van.” Iraq 12: 1–43.Google Scholar
Barnett, R. D., Curtis, J. E., Davies, L. G., Howard, M. M., and Walker, C. B. F. 2008. The Balawat Gates of Ashurnasirpal II. London: British Museum Press.Google Scholar
Ben-Shlomo, D. 2014. “Tell Jemmeh, Philistia and the Neo-Assyrian Empire during the Late Iron Age.” Levant 46: 58–88.Google Scholar
Berger, P. L. and Luckmann, T. 1966. The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge. New York: Penguin.Google Scholar
Berlejung, A. 2012. “The Assyrians in the West: Assyrianization, Colonialism, Indifference, or Development Policy?” In Nissinen, M. (ed.) Congress Volume Helsinki 2010. Vetus Testamentum Supplements 148. Leiden: Brill. Pp. 21–60.Google Scholar
Bhabha, H. 1984. “Of Mimicry and Man: The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse.” October 28: 125–33.Google Scholar
Bordreuil, P. and Briquel-Chatonnet, F. 2000. “Tiglath-Phalasar I a-t-il pêché ou chassé Le naḫiru?” in Les animeaux et les hommes dans le monde Syro-Mésopotamien aux époques historiques. Actes du 21e colloque international, Université de Lille III, 45 Décembre 1998. Topoi Orient-Occident Supplément 2. Lyon. Pp. 117–124.Google Scholar
Borger, R. 1956. Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Königs von Assyrien. Vol. 9. Archiv für Orientforschung Beiheft. Osnabrück: Biblio-Verlag.Google Scholar
Botta, P. E. and Flandin, E. 1849. Monument de Ninive. Paris: Imprimerie nationale.Google Scholar
Boyd, S. 2014. Contact and Context: Studies in Language Contact and Literary Strata in the Hebrew Bible. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Chicago.Google Scholar
Braun-Holzinger, E. 2018. “Darstellungen der Suḫäer und weiterer Nachbarn der Assyrer im 9. Jh. 1. Teil.” Iraq 80: 1–28.Google Scholar
Brown, B. 2014. “Culture on Display: Representations of Ethnicity in the Art of the Late Assyrian State.” In Brown, B. and Feldman, M. (eds) Critical Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art. Berlin: De Gruyter. Pp. 515–542.Google Scholar
Burbank, J. and Cooper, F. 2010. Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Calmeyer, P. 1992. “Zur Genese Altiranischer Motive XI ‘Eingewebte Bildchen’ von Städten.” Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 25: 95–124.Google Scholar
Carr, D. M. 2011. The Formation of the Hebrew Bible: A New Reconstruction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Çelik, Z. 1992. Displaying the Orient: Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth-Century World's Fairs. Comparative Studies on Muslim Societies 12. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Çelik, Z. and Kinney, L. 1990. “Ethnography and Exhibitionism at the Expositions Universelles.” Assemblage 13: 35–59.Google Scholar
Cifarelli, M. 1998. “Gesture and Alterity in the Art of Ashurnasirpal II of Assyria.” The Art Bulletin 80: 210–28.Google Scholar
Cole, J. 2007. “Cultural and Racial Stereotypes on the Midway.” Historia 16: 13–32.Google Scholar
Cole, J. R. 2007. Napoleon's Egypt: Invading the Middle East. St. Martin's Press.Google Scholar
Dalley, S. 1993. “Ancient Mesopotamian Gardens and the Identification of the Hanging Gardens of Babylon Resolved.” Garden History 21: 1–13.Google Scholar
Elayi, J. and Voisin, J. F. 2014. “Quelques Précisions Sur Le Nāḫiru Pêché Au Sud d'Arwad.” Aula Orientalis 32: 71–77.Google Scholar
Ephʿal, I. 2005. “Esarhaddon, Egypt, and Shubria: Politics and Propaganda.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 57: 99–111.Google Scholar
Fales, F. M. 2009. “Art, Performativity, Mimesis, Narrative, Ideology, and Audience: Reflections on Assyrian Palace Reliefs in the Light of Recent Studies.” KASKAL 6: 237–295.Google Scholar
Fales, F. M. 2013. “Ethnicity in the Assyrian Empire: A View from the Nisbe (I): Foreigners and ‘Special’ Inner Communities.” In Vanderhooft, D. S. and Winitzer, A. (eds) Literature as Politics, Politics as Literature. Essays in Honor of Peter Machinist. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. Pp. 47–74.Google Scholar
Fales, F. M. 2015. “Ethnicity in the Assyrian Empire A view from the nisbe, (II): ‘Assyrians.’” ISIMU 12: 183–204.Google Scholar
Feldman, M. 2004.“Nineveh to Thebes and Back: Art and Politics between Assyria and Egypt in the Seventh Century BCE.” Iraq 66: 141–50.Google Scholar
Feldman, M. 2011. “Assyrian Representations of Booty and Tribute as a Self-Portrayal of Empire.” In Kelle, B. E., Ames, F. R., and Wright, J. (eds) Interpreting Exile: Displacement and Deportation in Biblical and Modern Contexts. Atlanta: SBL Press. Pp. 135–150.Google Scholar
Feldman, M. 2015. “Houses of Ivory: The Consumption of Ivories in the Iron Age Levant.” Altorientalische Forschungen 42: 97–111.Google Scholar
Fischer-Bovet, C. 2015. “Social Unrest and Ethnic Coexistence in Ptolemaic Egypt and the Seleucid Empire.” Past & Present 229: 3–45.Google Scholar
Fish, S. 1997. “Boutique Multiculturalism, or Why Liberals Are Incapable of Thinking about Hate Speech.” Critical Inquiry 23: 378–95.Google Scholar
Flynn, S.W. 2014. YHWH Is King: The Development of Divine Kingship in Ancient Israel. Leiden: Brill.Google Scholar
Friedman, Z. 2015. “The Phoenician Hippos Figurehead Preserved Tradition and Types of Ship.” In Amedick, R., Froning, H., and Held, W. (eds) On Sea and Ocean: New Research in Phoenician Seafaring. Marburger Beiträge Zur Archäologie 2. Marburg: Eigenverlag des Archäologischen Seminars der Philipps-Universität. Pp. 19–33.Google Scholar
Fuchs, A. 1994. Die Inschriften Sargons II aus Khorsabad. Göttingen: Cuvillier.Google Scholar
Gaspa, S. 2017. “Garments, Parts of Garments, and Textile Techniques in the Assyrian Terminology: The Neo-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Linguistic Context.” In Gaspa, S., Michel, C. and Nosch, M. L. (eds) Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD. Lincoln: Zea Books. Pp. 47–90.Google Scholar
Gyss, C. 2010. “The Roots of Egyptomania and Orientalism: From the Renaissance to the Nineteenth Century.” In Hosford, D. and Wojtowski, C. (eds) French Orientalism: Culture, Politics, and the Imagined Other. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars. Pp. 106–123.Google Scholar
Haubold, J. 2016. “Hellenism, Cosmopolitanism, and the Role of Babylonian Elites in the Seleucid Empire.” In Lavan, M., Payne, R. E., and Weisweiler, J. (eds). Cosmopolitanism and Empire: Universal Rulers, Local Elites, and Cultural Integration in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean. Oxford Studies in Early Empires. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. 89–102.Google Scholar
Hays, C. B. 2011. Death in the Iron Age II and in First Isaiah. Forschungen Zum Alten Testament 79. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck.Google Scholar
Hoerder, D. 2003. “Revising the Monocultural Nation-State Paradigm: An Introduction to Transcultural Perspectives.” In Hoerder, D., Harzig, C. and Shubert, A. (eds) The Historical Practice of Diversity: Transcultural Interactions from the Early Modern Mediterranean to the Postcolonial World. Edited by Hoerder, D, Harzig, C, and Shubert, A. New York: Berghahn Books. Pp. 1–12.Google Scholar
Holloway, S. W. 2002. Aššur Is King! Aššur Is King!: Religion in the Exercise of Power in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 10. Leiden: Brill.Google Scholar
Huggan, G. 1994. “The Postcolonial Exotic.” Transition 65: 22–29.Google Scholar
Johnston, J. and Baumann, S. 2007. “Democracy versus Distinction: A Study of Omnivorousness in Gourmet Food Writing.” American Journal of Sociology 113: 165–204.Google Scholar
Kahn, D. 2006. “The Assyrian Invasions of Egypt (673–663 BC) and the Final Expulsion of the Kushites.” Studien Zur Altägyptischen Kultur 34: 251–267.Google Scholar
Karlsson, M. 2017. Alterity in Ancient Assyrian Propaganda. State Archives of Assyria Studies 26. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Keel, O. and Uehlinger, C. 1998. Gods, Goddesses, and Images of God. Minneapolis: Fortress.Google Scholar
Kendall, D. 2017. “Exhibiting the Exotic at the Exhibition: Music and the Evolutionary Sociocultural Continuum at the 1904 St Louis World's Fair.” Perspectives in the Arts & Humanities Asia 7: 19–41.Google Scholar
Kertai, D. 2015. The Architecture of Late Assyrian Royal Palaces. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Lambert, W. G. 1982. “Booty from Egypt.” Journal of Jewish Studies 33: 61–70.Google Scholar
Lavan, M., Payne, R. E., and Weisweiler, J.. 2016. Cosmopolitanism and Empire: Universal Rulers, Local Elites, and Cultural Integration in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Layard, A. H. 1853. A Second Series of the Monuments of Nineveh: Including Bas-Reliefs from the Palace of Sennacherib and Bronzes from the Ruins of Nimroud; from Drawings Made on the Spot, during a Second Expedition to Assyria. London: Murray.Google Scholar
Lemaire, A. 1985. “Aramaic Literature and Hebrew Literature: Contacts and Influences in the First Millennium BCE.” Proceedings of the World Congress of Jewish Studies / דברי הקונגרס העולמי למדעי היהדות 9: 9–24.Google Scholar
Linder, E. 1986. “The Khorsabad Wall Relief: A Mediterranean Seascape or River Transport of Timbers?” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106: 273–81.Google Scholar
Liverani, M. 2011. “From City-State to Empire: The Case of Assyria.” In Arnason, J. P. and Raaflaub, K. A. (eds) The Roman Empire in Context: Historical and Comparative Perspectives. The Ancient World: Comparative Histories. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. Pp. 249–69.Google Scholar
Lundström, S. 2012. “The Hunt Is on Again! Tiglath-Pileser I's and Aššur-Bel-Kala's Nāḫirū Sculptures in Assur.” In Baker, H., Kaniuth, K., and Otto, A. (eds) Stories of Long Ago Festschrift Für Michael D. Roaf. Alter Orient Und Altes Testament 397. Münster. Pp. 323–338.Google Scholar
Majumder, A. 2014. “Representations and Re-Presentations: Reading Coca-Cola Advertising and the Visuals of Anti-Coke Struggles in India.” In Tenhunen, S. and Karttunen, K. (eds) Contentious Connections: Social Imagination in Globalizing South Asia. Cambridge. Cambridge: Scholars Publishing. Pp. 55–78.Google Scholar
Mallowan, M. E. L. 1966. Nineveh and Its Remains. Vol. 2. London: Collins.Google Scholar
Marcus, M. I. 1987. “Geography as an Organizing Principle in the Imperial Art of Shalmaneser III.” Iraq 49: 77–90.Google Scholar
Mitchell, T. 1988. Colonising Egypt: With a New Preface. Berkeley: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Moreland, J. 2001. “The Carolingian Empire: Rome Reborn?” In Alcock, S E, D'Altroy, T, Morrison, K, and Sinopoli, C M, eds. Empires: Perspecitves from Archaeology and History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 392–418.Google Scholar
Morrow, W. S. 2009. “The Paradox of Deuteronomy 13: A Postcolonial Reading.” In Achenbach, R. and Arneth, M., eds. In “Gerechtigkeit und Recht zu Üben” (Gen 18, 19): Studien zur Altorientalischen und Biblischen Rechtsgeschichte, zur Religionsgeschichte Israels und zur Religionssoziologie. Festschrift für Eckart Otto zum 65 Geburtstag. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Pp. 227–239.Google Scholar
Nadali, D. 2006. “Esarhaddon's Glazed Bricks from Nimrud: The Egyptian Campaign Depicted.” Iraq 68: 109–19.Google Scholar
Nour, A. 2017. “Egyptian-French Cultural Encounters at the Paris Exposition Universelle of 186.” MDCCC 1800 6: 35–49.Google Scholar
Oates, D. 1963. “The Excavations at Nimrud (Kalḫu), 1962.” Iraq 25: 6–37.Google Scholar
Oates, D. 1974. “Balawat (Imgur Enlil): The Site and Its Buildings.” Iraq 36: 173–78.Google Scholar
Oates, D. and Oates, J. 2001. Nimrud - An Assyrian Imperial City Revealed. London: British Institute for the Study of Iraq.Google Scholar
Oppenheim, A. L. 1965. “On Royal Gardens in Mesopotamia.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies: 328–333.Google Scholar
Osborne, J. F. 2012. “Sovereignty and Territoriality in the City–State: A Case Study from the Amuq Valley, Turkey.” Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 32: 774–90.Google Scholar
Paley, S. M. and Sobolewski, R. 1992. The Reconstruction of the Relief Representations and Their Positions in the Northwest-Palace at Kalḫu. Baghdader Forschungen 14. Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern.Google Scholar
Parpola, S. 1995. “The Construction of Dur-Šarrukin in the Assyrian Royal Correspondence.” In Caubet, A. (ed.) Khorsabad, Le Palais de Sargon II, Roi d'AssyrieActes du Colloque Organisé Au Musé Du Louvre Par Le Service Culturel Les 21 et 22 Janvier 1994. Paris: Louvre. Pp. 47–77.Google Scholar
Parpola, S. 2003. “Assyria's Expansion in the 8th and 7th Centuries and Its Long-Term Repercussions the West.” In Dever, W. G. and Gitin, S.. Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaestina Proceedings of the Centennial Symposium W F Albright Institute of Archaeological Research and American Schools of Oriental Research, Jerusalem, May29–May 31, 2000. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. Pp. 99–111.Google Scholar
Parpola, S. 2004. “National and Ethnic Identity in the Neo-Assyrian Empire and Assyrian Identity in Post-Empire Times.” Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies 18: 5–49.Google Scholar
Pitts, J. 2010. “Political Theory of Empire and Imperialism.” Annual Review of Political Science 13: 211–35.Google Scholar
Portuese, L. 2016. “‘Merciful Messages’ in the Reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II: The Land of Suhu.” Egitto e Vicino Oriente 39: 179–199.Google Scholar
Postgate, J. N. 1974. Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire. Studia Pohl: Series Maior 3. Rome: Biblical Institute Press.Google Scholar
Postgate, J. N. 1989. “Ancient Assyria — a Multi-Racial State.” ARAM 1: 1–10.Google Scholar
Quick, L. 2018. Deuteronomy 28 and the Aramaic Curse Tradition. Oxford Theology & Religion Monographs. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Radner, K. 2000. “How Did the Neo-Assyrian King Perceive His Land and Its Resources?” In Jas, R. M. (ed.) Rainfall and Agriculture in Northern Mesopotamia. PIHANS 88. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut. Pp 233–246.Google Scholar
Reade, J. E. 1964. “More Drawings of Ashurbanipal Sculptures.” Iraq 26: 1–13.Google Scholar
Reade, J. E. 2004. “The Assyrians as Collectors: From Accumulation to Synthesis.” In Frame, G. (ed.) From the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea: Studies on the History of Assyria and Babylonia in Honour of A K Grayson. Edited by Frame, G. Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Ooosten. Pp. 255–268.Google Scholar
Russell, J. M. 1989. “Review of The Palace of Sargon, King of Assyria Monumental Wall Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin, from Original Drawings Made at the Time of Their Discovery in 1843–1844 by Botta and Flandin by Pauline Albenda.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 276: 88–92.Google Scholar
Russell, J. M. 1991. Sennacherib's Palace without Rival at Nineveh. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Rydell, R. W. 1987. All the World's a Fair: Visions of Empire at American International Expositions, 1876-1916. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Said, E. W. 1978. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon.Google Scholar
Schniedewind, W. M. 2013. A Social History of Hebrew: Its Origins Through the Rabbinic Period. The Anchor Yale Bible Reference Library. New Haven: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Sinopoli, C. M. 2001. “Imperial Integration and Imperial Subjects.” In Alcock, S. E., D'Altroy, T., Morrison, K. and Sinopoli, C. (eds) Empires: Perspectives from Archaeology and History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 195–200.Google Scholar
Soldi, S. 2009. “Aramaeans and Assyrians in North-Western Syria: Material Evidence from Tell Afis.” Syria 86: 97–118.Google Scholar
Steinmetz, G. 2017. “Empire in Three Keys: Forging the Imperial Imaginary at the 1896 Berlin Trade Exhibition.” Thesis Eleven 139: 46–68.Google Scholar
Steymans, H. U. 1995. Deuteronomium 28 Und Die Ade Zur Thronfolgeregelung Asarhaddons: Segen Und Fluch Im Alten Orient Und in Israel. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 145. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.Google Scholar
Stronach, D. 1990. “The Garden as a Political Statement: Some Case Studies from the Near East in the First Millennium BC.” Bulletin of the Asia Institute 4: 171–80.Google Scholar
Tadmor, H. 1991. “On the Role of Aramaic in the Assyrian Empire.” In Mori, M., Ogawa, H. and Yoshikawa, M (eds) Near Eastern Studies Dedicated to H. I. H. Prince Takahito Mikasa on the Occasion of His Seventy-Fifth Birthday. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Pp. 419–435.Google Scholar
Thomason, A. K. 2001. “Representations of the North Syrian Landscape in Neo-Assyrian Art.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research: 63–96.Google Scholar
Thomason, A. K. 2016. Luxury and Legitimation: Royal Collecting in Ancient Mesopotamia. Perspectives on Collecting. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Wapnish, P. C. 1985. Animal Names and Animal Classifications in Mesopotamia: An Interdisciplinary Approach Based on Folk Taxonomy. Ph.D. Dissertation. Columbia University.Google Scholar
Wicke, D. 2015. “Assyrian or Assyrianized: Reflections on the Impact of Assyrian Art in Southern Anatolia.” In Rollinger, R. and van Dongen, E. (eds) Mesopotamia in the Ancient World: Impact, Continuities, Parallels Proceedings of the Seventh Symposium of The Melammu Project Held in Obergurgl, Austria, November 4–8, 2012. Melammu Symposia 7. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Pp. 561–601.Google Scholar
Winter, I. 1993. “‘Seat of Kingship’/“A Wonder to Behold”: The Palace as Construct in the Ancient near East.” Ars Orientalis 23: 27–55.Google Scholar
Winter, I. 2010. On Art in the Ancient Near East: Of the First Millennium BCE. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 34.1. Leiden: Brill.Google Scholar
Yamada, S. 2000. The Construction of the Assyrian Empire: A Historical Study of the Inscriptions of Shalmanesar III (859–824 BC) Relating to His Campaigns to the West. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 2000. Boston: Brill.Google Scholar
Zaccagnini, C. 1982. “The Enemy in the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The ‘Ethnographic’ Description.” Pages 409–424 in Mesopotamien Und Seine Nachbarn Politische Und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen Im Alten Vorderasien Vom 4 Bis 1 Jahrtausend v Chr 25th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Berlin, 3 Bis 7 Juli 1978 Edited by Nissen, H. J. and Renger, J.. Berlin.Google Scholar
Ziffer, I. 2007. “A Note on the Nahal Mishmar ‘Crowns.’” In Cheng, J. and Feldman, M. (eds) Ancient Near Eastern Art in Context: Studies in Honor of Irene J Winter by Her Students. Leiden: Brill. Pp. 47–67.Google Scholar