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The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur According to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

H. F. Russell
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Extract

The importance of control of the valleys of the Habur and Euphrates rivers to the Assyrians can hardly be over-estimated. The two river valleys are major routes from N. Syria and S.E. Turkey to southern Assyria and to Babylonia.

In the Neo-Assyrian period, control of the valley of the River Habur was won early, as the Assyrian armies marched westwards across N. Mesopotamia. Control of the Euphrates, between the confluence of the Habur and the Babylonian border, followed soon after.

We are particularly well-informed about the geography of the Habur and the Euphrates, below the confluence with the Habur, during the reigns of Adad-nerari II, Tukulti-Ninurta II and Aššurnaṣirpal II. Texts from the reigns of these three kings describe campaigns along the banks of these rivers and list each night's halting-place. These are usually described as “itineraries”. (Such texts are exceptionally rare from ancient Mesopotamia. Besides these three passages in the Assyrian annals, only two other lengthy, well-preserved itineraries in cuneiform have come down to us.) 2 Other, conventional passages from the Annals of Aššurnaṣirpal II are a valuable supplement to these texts.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 47 , 1985 , pp. 57 - 74
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1985 

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Footnotes

*

This paper is derived from the author's doctoral dissertation The historical geography of Upper Mesopotamia and surrounding areas according to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian sources which was presented to the School of Oriental and African Studies in 1983. I would like to thank my examiners Messrs. J. D. Hawkins and J. N. Postgate for their advice and comments. They are not, of course, responsible for views expressed here. I would like to thank Cathy Tutton who drew the map.

Special abbreviations used here are:

Annates Tn—V. Scheil, Les Annates de Tukulti Ninip, roi d'Assyrie 889-884. Pařis, 1909.

Forrer, Prov—E. Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches. Leipzig, 1921.

Musil, ME—A. Musil, The Middle Euphrates. A Topographical Itinerary. New York, 1927.

Top Ant—La Toponymie antique. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg 21–14 juin 1975.

The following inscriptions are referred to by name:

Tiglath-pileser I, Prism Inscription—AKA, 27–108; ARI 2, §§ 8–63.

Aššur-bel-kala, Broken Obelisk— AKA 128–49; ARI 2, §§ 229–52.

Adad-nerari II, Later Annals—KAH 2, 84 edited with variants by J. Seidmann, MAOG 9/3, 5–35; ARI 2, §§ 413–40.

Tukulti-Ninurta II, Annals—Schramm, BiOr 27 (1970), 147–60 and pls. 1–6; ARI 2, §§ 464–83.

Aššurnaṣirpal, Annals—AKA, 254-387; ARI 2, §§ 536–91.

References

1 Adad-nerari II, Later Annals, 97–119; Tukulti-Ninurta II, Annals, obv. 54 ff; Aššurnaṣirpal II, Annals, 8th. campaign (878), iii 1–26.

2 Other “itinerary texts” are: Hallo, W. W., “The Road to Emar”, JCS 18 (1964), 57–88 Google Scholar; Goetze, A. “An Old Babylonian Itinerary”, JCS 7 (1953), 51–72 Google Scholar. Weidner's, paper “Assyrische Itinerare”, AfO 21 (1966), 42–6Google Scholar, discusses three further possible Neo-Assyrian fragments:

1. VAT 9968 (+) KAH 2, 145 Google Scholar. The date is unknown, but may be during the reign of Adad-nerari II or one of his immediate successors. Rev. 12′ has [….] ERÍN.TÁH MAN KUR d a-šur ik-šu-[ud…]. The frequent use of the verb namāšu also suggests a date between the reigns of Adad-nerari II and Shalmaneser III. The place-names in the text do not help to identify the author. The unusual feature of the text is that it gives distances between the various points on the campaign. It does not give each night's stopping place. (See also ARI 2, §§ 449–53Google Scholar; Postgate, , BSOAS 34 (1971), 389 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.)

2. VAT 11537(+) KAV 139(+)KAV 141. The date of none of these fragments is known. Little sense can be made of VAT 11537 and there seems no pressing reason to call it an itinerary. KAV 139 is almost certainly a fragment of a field survey with references to measures of land-areas. KAV 141 is perhaps no more than a fragment from an ordinary campaign narrative, i.e. one that does not note every night's stopping place (see ARI 2, § 454)Google Scholar.

3. SH 809 from Tell Shemshara is unpublished. ADD 1096 lists distances between successive places on an itinerary in S.E. Assyria.

3 Annals, 2nd campaign (883), i 75–99 and 9th campaign, iii 26–50.

4 Tiglath-pileser I, Prism Inscription, v 44–64 ; Aššur-bel-kala, Broken Obelisk, iii 20–5.

5 Chesney, F. R., The Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris … (London, 1850)Google Scholar; Sarre, F. and Herzfeld, E., Archäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet (Berlin, 1911–20)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bell, G. L., “The East Bank of the Euphrates from Tell Ahmar to Hit”, Geographical Journal 36 (1910), 513–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Notable archaeological surveys include: Mallowan, M. E. L., “The Excavations at Tell Chagar Bazar, and an Archaeological Survey of the Habur Region, 1934–5”, Iraq 3 (1936)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 1–86; Mallowan, M. E. L., “The Excavations at Tell Chagar Bazar and an Archaeological Survey of the Habur Region. Second Campaign, 1936”, Iraq 4 (1937), 91–177 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; van Lière, W.J. and Lauffray, J., “Nouvelle prospection archéologique dans la Haute Jezireh syrienne”, AAS 4/5 (1954–1955), 129–48Google Scholar; Kühne, H., “Zur historischen Geographie am Unteren Habur. Vorläufiger Bericht über eine archäologische Geländebegehung”, AfO 25 (1975–1977), 249–55Google Scholar. Kühne, H., “Zur historischen Geographie am Unteren Habur. Zweiter vorläufiger Bericht über eine archäologische Geländebegehung”, AfO 26 (1978–1979), 181–95Google Scholar.

7 Annales Tn, 30–53.

8 Horn, S., “Zur Geographie Mesopotamiens”, ZA 34 (1922), 123–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Schramm, W., “Die Annalen des assyrischen Königs Tukulti-Ninurta II. (890–884 v. Chr.)”, BiOr 27 (1970), 147–60Google Scholar.

10 Topographie historique, 457–466, 481–501.

11 Middle Euphrates, 199–210.

12 Röllig, W., “Dur-katlimmu”, Or NS 47 (1978), 419–30Google Scholar; Kühne, H., “Zur Rekonstruktion der Feldzüge Adad-nirari II., Tukulti-Ninurta II. und Aššurnaṣirpal II. im Habur-Gebiet”, BaghM 11 (1980), 447–70Google Scholar.

13a For references to the texts see note 1.

l3b A normalized spelling. Sapirata is found in Tiglath-pileser I, Sabirite and Sabirutu in Tukulti-Ninurta II and Sapirite in CT 53, 156 r.5Google Scholar.

14 The towns Suri on the Euphrates and Suri on the Habur are numbered I and II respectively, to distinguish them.

15 In Tukulti-Ninurta's text both Talmeš and Talbiš occur once. The form KUR tal-meš is found in ND 2768, 8′ (Parker, , Iraq 23, 49 Google Scholar).

16 In Middle- and Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions no final vowel is shown; but in the letters and other everyday documents from Nimrud and Nineveh, the name is written URU ana-tu/te. Anat will be used as the normalized form.

17 The following forms of this place-name are attested:

URU ha-ri-du (nom.)

URU ka-ru-du (nom.)

KUR ha-ru-ta (acc.)

URU ha-ru-tu/tú (acc.)

URU ha-ra-da (gen.)

URU ha-ri-di (gen.)

KUR? ha-ru-d[u]? (gen.)

The forms Harutu, Harudu, Harada, Haridi are good examples of Assyrian vowel harmonization. The form Harudu will be used as a normalized form.

18 Aqarbani and Naqarbani are probably variant forms of the same place-name.

19 The various forms of this name are fully discussed by Röllig, , Or NS 47, 429–30Google Scholar. Dur-katlimmu will be used as the standardized form.

20 The name may be read KUR-e bu-ú-ṣi or KUR e-bu-ú-ṣi; see ARI 2, n. 379 for discussion and bibliography, to which add Röllig, , Or NS 47, 424 n. 22Google Scholar and Kessler, K., Untersuchungen zur historischen Topographie Nordmesopotamiens (Wiesbaden, 1980), 231–2Google Scholar. If the identification with the Jebel Hamma (a field of volcanic basalt), proposed on p. 68, is correct then one may consider an association with būṣu (volcanic?) glass. (This suggestion I owe to J. N. Postgate.)

21 The writing URU qa-ṭí-ni-e is found in ADD 418, 6–7 and URU qat-ta-na-ia in KAH 2, 99 Google Scholar. Other writings in the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions are:

URU qa-at-ni (gen.)

URU qal-ni (gen.)

URU qa-at-na-a-ia (gent.)

URU qat-na-a-a (gent.)

The familiar form Qatni will be used here as the standard form. This is certainly the same place as OB Qattuna(n); see Grayson, , BiOr 33, 143 Google Scholar.

22 The text has (108) ina URU ki-si-ri be-dàk iš-tu URU si-ki-ri (109) at-tu-muš “I spent the night in Kisiri, I set off from Sikiri.” Kisiri will be used as the standard form of the name.

23 All texts have URU šadikanni except Tukulti-Ninurta's itinerary, which has (rev. 31–2) ša(−) URU dikanni and (rev. 30) URU latihi ša(−) KUR dikanayya. Tukulti-Ninurta's scribe seems to use an “etymologising” writing which indicates that the name is composed of ša (the possessive particle) and Dikannu (a tribal name perhaps; otherwise unattested). I see no reason to translate the land name and city name differently, as do Grayson and Schramm (ARI 2, § 475 Google Scholar; BiOr 27, 157 Google Scholar.— (cily)Šadikannu/i and (land) of the Dikannu or Land Dikanni). Here, the form Šadikanni will be used for both the land and city names.

24 The restoration URU ka-ha-at was proposed by Kessler, , ZA 69 (1980), 218–9Google Scholar; it is followed by Kühne, , BaghM 11 (1980), 55 Google Scholar. But see below pp. 70.

25 The earliest writings of the name in the inscriptions of Adad-nerari II and Tukulti-Ninurta II are URU na-ṣi-pi/pa/bi/be-na. It is written three times with pi and once each with pa, bi or be. In other sources, mostly the eponym chronicles and other non-royal sources, writing with ṣib/p and bi are found in roughly equal numbers; other writings are rare. Naṣipina is adopted as a standard form.

26 On the earlier forms of the name, see Limet, , Top Ant, 90, 93–4Google Scholar.

27 Annates Tn, 38–40.

28 Horn, , ZA 34, 128–9Google Scholar; also, on classical, Syriac and Arabic names see Musil, , ME 208 and 350 Google Scholar; Streck, , Enc Islam NE 3, 510 Google Scholar; Weissbach, , Pauly-Wissowa 9, 2047 Google Scholar (Is); Limet, , Top Ant, 107 and n. 123Google Scholar, Postgate, , RlA 5, 33 Google Scholar.

29 Landsberger, , ZA 41 (1933), 226 n. 2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 Rawlinson, G., Ancient monarchies of Western Asia 1 (London, 1862), 258 Google Scholar.

31 For details see Annates Tn, 42; Musil, , ME, 345 Google Scholar; Pauly-Wissowa 1, 2069 Google Scholar; Enc Islam NE 1, 461; Limet, Top Ant, 108 Google Scholar.

32 Bell, , Geographical Journal 36, 536 Google Scholar. Bell refers to a photograph of an Assyrian relief fragment found at ‘Ana, published by Viollett. Her reference is incorrect. I have not succeeded in tracking down the Viollett article.

33 Iraq, 43 (1981), 192–4Google Scholar and 45 (1983), 203–4.

34 Musil, , ME 203, 230, 239 Google Scholar; Horn, , ZA, 34, 131 Google Scholar.

35 Annates Tn, 41, where also the association between Talbiš and Suri I with Telbis and Wadi Sur is first pointed out.

36a Musil, , ME, 166–7, 203 Google Scholar. Possible classical names are discussed op. cit., 167 n. 84, 230 and 239; but see Limet, , Top Ant, 108 Google Scholar.

36b Iraq 43 (1981), 197 Google Scholar; Iraq 45 (1983), 221–2Google Scholar.

37 “Une nouvelle inscription de Samsi-Adad”, ZA 21 (1908), 2, 47–9Google Scholar; Bezold, , “Zu der neuen Inschrift Šamši-Adad's”, ZA 21, 250–4Google Scholar.

38 “Hana et Mari”, RA 11 (1914), 134–6Google Scholar. The text reads:

(1) l zi-i[m-ri-lim] (2) DUMU ia-aḫ-d[u-un-lim] (3) LUGAL ma-ri[ kitu-ut-tu-ulki ] (4) ù ma-a-at [ḫa-na] (5) e-pi-iš É š[u-ri-pi-im] (6) ša iš-tu pa-[na-ma …] (7) [i-na a-aḫ íD BURANUN] (8) [ma-am-ma-an la i-pu-šu] (9) [šu-ri-p]a-am ša x […] (10) uš-te-bi-i[r-ma] (11) i-na a-aḫ íD B[URANUN] (12) É šu-ri-pi-[im] (13) i-na ter-q[a ki URU] (14) na-ra-ma-at d[da-gan i-pu-uš]

“Zimrilim, son of Yahdunlim, king of Mari, Tuttul and the land of Hana, (was) the builder of an ice-house, which no previous king had ever built on the bank of the Euphrates. He had … ice brought and built an ice-house on the bank of the Euphrates at Terqa, the city beloved of Dagan.” A duplicate was published by Nougayrol, J., CRAIB 1947, 265–272 Google Scholar.

39 “Stèle de Tukulti-Ninurta II”, AAS 2 (1952), 169–90Google Scholar; see Guterbock, also H., “A note on the stela of Tukulti-Ninurta II found near Tell Ashara”, JNES 16 (1957), 123 Google Scholar. The stele is very difficult to read, but note in line 2, among the titles of Adad-nerari II, is da-ia-iš URU la-qí-e ki “trampler of Laqe”.

40 Syria 5 (1924), 265–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

41 Preliminary reports in SMS 1/3, 1/4, 1/5, 1/6, 2/5, 2/6, 2/7, 3/2, 3/4 and G. Buccellati, TPR 10 : The Fourth Season, Introduction and the stratigraphie record.

42 RA 11 (1914), 138 Google Scholar.

43 e.g. Horn, , ZA 34, 150–1Google Scholar; Thureau-Dangin, , Syria 5, 277 ff.Google Scholar; Forrer, , Prov, 15 Google Scholar; Schramm, , BiOr 27, 160 Google Scholar (Sirqu is modern (!) Terqa); RGTC 3, “Terqa”.

44 Musil, ME, 204.

43 Tukulti-Ninurta II, Annals, rev. 14.

46 Musil, , ME, 204 Google Scholar; Bell, , Geographical Journal 36, 530 Google Scholar.

47 Scheil suggested that the Μέρραν of Isidore of Charax may be an alteration of an original Γερραν or χερβαν which would preserve the name of Aqarbani. In Isidore's Γίδδαν or Γιδδάν he saw a survival of Hindanu (Annates Tn, 43–4, 46; see also Jacoby, , Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker III C 2, no. 781Google Scholar). Scheil's views on the survival of the name of Hindanu are accepted by Limet and others (Top Ant, 112, with references). Neither Μέρραν nor Γερβαν have been satisfactorily located, since Isidore's unit of distance is the otherwise unknown schoenus. The length of this unit cannot be agreed since it is clear that Isidore's figures have been wrongly transcribed for many sections of his itinerary (Musil, , ME, 227–8Google Scholar).

48 Musil, , ME, 201–7Google Scholar.

49 Broken Obelisk, iii 23.

50 ADD 736, 3.

51 Annals, rev. 1.

52 Musil, , ME, 203 Google Scholar.

53 Annals, iii 14; Musil, , ME, 207 Google Scholar.

54 On the continuity of the name from the Ur III period to modern times, see Limet, , Top Ant, 102 Google Scholar.

55 Under, RlA 2, 245 Google Scholar; recently, Röllig, , Or NS 47 (1978), 429–30Google Scholar.

56 Röllig, op. cit., 426.

57 Röllig, op. cit., 419–30. The new tablets are referred to here and some of the evidence for the name of the site is quoted from them.

58 Rassam, H., Asshur and the land of Nimrod (Cincinnati, 1897), 311–3Google Scholar. The stele fragment has been published by Millard, and Tadmor, , Iraq 35, 58 Google Scholar.

59 Kühne, H., “Tell Seh Hamad-Dur-katlimmu”, AfO 26 (1978–1979), 166–8Google Scholar and “Tell Šeh Hamad”, AfO 28 (1981–1982), 233–5Google Scholar.

60 Streck, , Enc Islam 1, 608 Google Scholar; Streck, , Pauly-Wissowa Supp. 1, 115 (Arbana)Google Scholar.

61 Layard, , Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon (London, 1893), 276 Google Scholar. The first part of the name is read mušēzib by Tallqvist (APN, 141) also.

62 The seal was first published by Pinches, T. G., Babylonian and Assyrian Cylinder-seals and signets (London, 1890), pl. 2 no. 3Google Scholar. It has been re-published and thoroughly discussed by Unger, , “Two seals of the ninth century B.c. from Shadikanni on the Habur”, BASOR 130 (1953), 15–21 Google Scholar.

63 Annals, i 78.

64 Assaf, A. Abou, “Die Statue des HDYS'Y, König von Guzana”, MDOG 113 (1981), 3–22 Google Scholar and Bordreuil, P. and Millard, A. R., La Statue de Tell Fekherye (Paris, 1982)Google Scholar. The texts have been recently discussed, and new readings suggested, by Greenfield, J. C. and Shaffer, A., Iraq 45 (1983), 109–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Weidner, E. F., Die Inschriften vom Tell Halaf (Berlin, 1940), 8–9 Google Scholar.

66 Rawlinson, G., Ancient Monarchies 1 (1862), 258 and 2 (1864), 341 n. 2Google Scholar.

67 Dussaud, , Topographie historique, 490 Google Scholar; Postgate, , RlA 4, 122 Google Scholar; Limet, , Top Ant, 104 Google Scholar; Röllig, , Or NS 47, 427 Google Scholar; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 54 ff.Google Scholar

68 Nöldeke, , ZDMG 33 (1879), 328 Google Scholar; Schiffer, , Die Aramäer (Leipzig, 1911), 101 n. 2.Google Scholar

69 See n. 67.

70 Lassner, , Enc Islam NE 4 (1978), 898 Google Scholar.

71 Dossin, , AAS, 11/12 (1961–1962)Google Scholar; 203 (ARI 2, § 519 Google Scholar).

72 AJO 28 (1981–1982), 208–10Google Scholar.

73 There is a good summary of the evidence and discussion from Biblical, Mesopotamian, classical and more recent sources in Davies, G. I., “The significance of Deuteronomy I.2 for the location of Mount Horeb”, P£Q 111 (1979), 87–101 Google Scholar, particularly 89–97.

74 Kühne, , BaghM 11, 63 Google Scholar.

75 Similarly Kessler, , Untersuchungen, 230, n. 845Google Scholar.

76 Gordon, , JCS 21 (1967), 86 Google Scholar.

77 Scheil, , Annates Tn, 49 Google Scholar; Musil, , ME, 205 Google Scholar; Dussaud, , Topographie Historique, 488 Google Scholar.

78 The Suri II-Tell Suwwar equation is also rejected by Kühne, , BaghM 11, 61 Google Scholar. By dead reckoning, he suggests the site of Tell Fiden.

79 Dussaud, , Topographie historique, 487 f.Google Scholar; Horn, , ZA 34, 153 Google Scholar; followed by Schramm, , BiOr 27, 160 note to rev. 22Google Scholar; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 61 Google Scholar.

80 Röllig, , Or NS 47, 424 Google Scholar; Kessler, , Untersuchungen, 232 Google Scholar. Refer also to note 20.

81 BaghM 11, 47, 51, 66 and mapGoogle Scholar.

82 Horn, , ZA 34, 153 Google Scholar; Forrer, , Pros, 15 Google Scholar; Seidmann, , MAOG 9/3, 69 Google Scholar; Faulkner, , AfO 18, 17 n. 19Google Scholar.

83 Röllig, , Or NS 47, 424 n. 24Google Scholar; Kessler, , Untersuchungen, 233 Google Scholar.

84 BaghM 11, 51–2Google Scholar.

85 Horn, , ZA 34, 155 n. 2Google Scholar; Forrer, , Prov, 19 Google Scholar; Schramm, , BiOr 27, 160 note to rev. 32Google Scholar; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 53, 56–7Google Scholar.

86 Unger, , BASOR 130, 21Google Scholar. Dillemann, , Haute Mésopotamie (Paris, 1962), 140 Google Scholar and map fig. XVIII located Thubida at Tell Tenenir, 35 km north of Šadikanni.

87 The translation of KASKAL … imtahaṣ is problematic; see Grayson, ARI 2, n. 226Google Scholar.

88 AKA, 136; Röllig, , Or NS 47, 421–2Google Scholar; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 54 Google Scholar.

89 Röllig, , Or NS 47, 422 n. 13Google Scholar; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 54–8Google Scholar.

90 Sachau, , ZA 12 (1897), 43–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; followed by Schiffer, , Die Aramäer, 101 n. 3Google Scholar; Streck, , ZA 18 (1904), 190–1Google Scholar; Forrer, , Prov, 19 Google Scholar.

91 Haute Mésopotamie, 188; AAS 27–8, 132 Google Scholar; AfO 25, 250 Google Scholar; AfO 26, between pp. 180 and 181 Google Scholar.

92 BaghM 11, 54–8Google Scholar.

93 BaghM 11, 64–6Google Scholar.

94 BaghM 11, 58 Google Scholar.

95 loc. cit.

96 Nöldeke, , ZDMG 33 (1879), 157 Google Scholar; Schiffer, , Die Aramäer, 101 n. 1Google Scholar; Sachau, , ZA 12 (1897), 43 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Forrer, , Prov, 20 Google Scholar; Horn, , ZA 34, 155 n. 5Google Scholar; Astour, , JAOS 88 (1968), 741 Google Scholar; Schramm, , BiOr 27, 160 note to rev. 34Google Scholar.

97 Dillemann, , Haute Mésopotamie, 167 and map fig. XVIII (route no. 3)Google Scholar.

98 Aššurnaṣirpal may have used this route at the beginning of his 9th campaign : Annals iii 28 refers to crossing the desert (huribtu).

99 Weidner, , AfO 18 (1957–1958), 344 Google Scholar and ARI 2, § 83 Google Scholar.

100 Weidner, , AfO 18, 351 Google Scholar and ARI 2, § 99 Google Scholar.

101 Grayson, A. K., Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, Chronicle 21, p. 165 Google Scholar.

102 See note 33.

103 pi-a-te is a plural form (AHw 2, 874 Google Scholar); yet if we translate “mouths of the Habur” the obvious interpretation would be that the sources of the Habur, near Guzana, were being referred to. However, we have no other evidence that the territory of Laqe extended so far north; it seems better to interpret this as a reference to the mouth of the Habur at its confluence with the Euphrates.

104 ARI 2, §§648–53Google Scholar.

105 Adad-nerari, Later Annals, 119; Tukulti-Ninurta, Annals, 76–9; Aššurnaṣirpal, Annals, i 96, iii 13.

106 The Saba'a Stele, 25 (Unger, , PKOM 2, Pl. 2Google Scholar and Tadmor, Iraq 35, 144–5Google Scholar); the Rimah Stele, 14 (Page, , Iraq 30, Pl. 39 and 141–3Google Scholar; Schramm, , EAK 2, 115)Google Scholar.

107 ADD 942, rev. 4′–5′ — Ahu-imme; Aššurbanipal Prism B, colophon of K 2732, main exemplar (Streck, M., Aššurbanipal 2, 136–7 and of 83-1-18 602Google Scholar (Piepkorn, AS 5, 19 Google Scholar)—Belšunu; BM 122613 (Millard, , Iraq 30, 111 Google Scholar) colophon—Sin-šarru-uṣur.

108 Annals, iii 14–5.

109 Later Annals, 113–7.

110 Annals, rev. 3–20.

111 rev. 5 KUR ha-ma-la-a-ia KUR la-qa-a-ia; rev. 19–20 KUR ha-ma-la-a-ia KUR la-qa-a-ia. Grayson (ARI 2, §§473–4Google Scholar) and Schramm (BiOr 27, 157 Google Scholar) have translated “Hamath(eans) and Laqe(ans)”. As the name of Hamataya of Suri II is written with the personal determinative by Aššurnaṣirpal in the passage quoted immediately below, we should have no difficulty in understanding Tukulti-Ninurta's (KUR)hamatayya as a personal name which is a gentilic in form.

112 Mudadda is not actually described as being a Laqean.

113 Saba'a Stele, 24 (see note 106).