1. Chehabi, Houchang E., “Staging the Emperor's New Clothes: Dress Codes and Nation-Building under Reza Shah," Iranian Studies 26 (1993): 216CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also 215 for middle class support of ‘international’ dress, at least in the capital.

2. “Namāyish-hā-yi pishāhangān va varzishkārān-i pāytakht dar pīshgāh-i ᶜulyāhażrat-i malika-yi nāzilī va vālāḥażrat-i humāyūn-i valāyatᶜahd va vālāḥażrat-i shāhzādeh-yi- khānum-i Fawziye,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 24.4.1939. The zūrkhānah (House of Strength) was the traditional Iranian athletic institution mostly frequented by the urban lower classes and also-though less so—by the traditional urban middle classes.

3. “Jashn-i pīshāhangān-i Tehran bi-munāsabat-i valādat-i vālāḥażrat-i valāyatᶜahd," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 28.10.1935; "Jashn-i buzurg-i javānān-i kishvar," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 26.10.1936; "Jashn-i sālāneh-yi varzish bi-munāsabat-i ᶜīd-i mawlūd-i vālāḥażrat-i humāyān-i valāyatᶜahd," Taᶜlīm va tarbiyat 7 (1316/1937): 470-75; “Jashn-i rūz-i chahārum-i Ābān bi-iftikhār-i valādat bā saᶜādat-i vālāḥażrat-i humāyūn-i valāyatᶜahd," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 28.10.1938. See also "Sukhanrāni-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardīn 1319: sukhanrānī-yi āqā-yi Bāzārkād rājioᶜ bih: Ahammiyyat-i tarbiyat-i badanī va pīshāhangī," Parvarish-i Afkār (1319/1940–41): 241, hailing Mohammad Reza as the exemplary leader and practitioner of sport.

4. See e.g. Bakhash, Shaul, Iran: Monarchy, Bureaucracy and Reform under the Qajars: 1858-1896 (London, 1991)Google Scholar, chapter 6: “The Qajar Reformers and Their Ideas: The Later Phase,” (305–73).

5. I would include among the modern middle class all those professionals who enjoyed a higher modern education, i.e. administrators, technicians, engineers, teachers, physicians, lawyers, natural scientists, university professors etc., and their nuclear families. Their extended families also comprised members of other social strata, especially the traditional middle and upper classes, and were therefore much more mixed in terms of cultural life style and social practice, a fact highly relevant to an analysis of the modern middle class's actual (as opposed to normative) patterns of behavior.

6. For the emergence and the structure of the upper and middle echelons of the new bureaucratic and industrial/commercial classes, and their representation in the Majlises, see Ashraf, A. and Banuazizi, A., “Class System VI. Classes in the Pahlavi Period,” Elr 5 (1992): 678–82Google Scholar. For general descriptions of the heterogeneous intelligentsia during the Qajars, united by a belief in reform but characterized by different cultural and social backgrounds, see Abrahamian, Ervand, Iran Between Two Revolutions (Princeton, 1982), 61-145Google Scholar and Gheissari, Ali, Iranian Intellectuals in the Twentieth Century (Austin, 1998), 15Google Scholar. For a related general analysis of the “newly emerging strata" comprising on the elite level the "patrimonial-bureaucratic staff" and the modernizing "mercantile and industrial entrepreneurs," see Ashraf, Ahmad, “The Roots of Emerging Dual Class Structure in Nineteenth-Century Iran” Iranian Studies 14 (1981):19–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar, cf. Ashraf and Banuazizi, “Class System,” 673ff.

7. I use this concept in Foucault's sense, namely as "a great surface network in which ... the incitement to discourse, the formation of special knowledges, the strengthening of controls and resistances, are linked to one another, in accordance with a few major strategies of knowledge and power.” Foucault, Michel, The History of Sexuality, vol.I: an introduction, translated by Hurley, R. (New York, 1980), 105ffGoogle Scholar. (The French original in Foucault, Michel, Histoire de la sexualité I: la volonté de savoir (Paris, 1976), 139Google Scholar; for examples see 106-107 [English translation), 140-41 [French original.]) However, I would insist even more than he did in L'Histoire de la Sexualité I that the strategies constituting the dispositifs are enacted in and constituted by specific events and stories, rather than being reified autonomous structures.

8. Rejali, Darius M., Torture and Modernity. Self, State and Society in Modern Iran (Boulder, 1994), 52ffGoogle Scholar. For an excellent example of the modern middle class's elitism, see Vatandoust, G., Sayyid Hasan Taqizādah & Kaveh: Modernism in Post-Constitutional Iran (1916-1921) (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 1977):70Google Scholar, 105, 125, 224.

9. Gheissari, Iranian Intellectuals, 7, 14,18ffGoogle Scholar.; Ghods, M. R, "Iranian Nationalism and Reza Shah” Middle Eastern Studies 27 (1991):35-43CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also the comments in "Āghāznāmeh," Āyandeh 1 (1925): 6-9; or "Maᶜārif va arkān-i sih gāneh-yi an," Īrānshahr 2 (1924): 450.

10. See e.g. Ghods, M. R., “Government and Society in Iran, 1926–1934,” Middle Eastern Studies 27 (1991): 219-21CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Katouzian, H., The Political Economy of Modern Iran, 1926-1979 (New York, 1981), 116CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ghods seems to underestimate the function of modern middle class bureaucrats in the definition and execution of policies.

11. For the state's and modern middle class's subsequent co-development and mutual dependence, see Abrahamian, Between Two Revolutions, 145; compare Katouzian, The Political Economy, 106. For specific reformist ideas being accepted by Reza Shah, see Menashri, David, Education and the Making of Modern Iran (Ithaca, 1992), 100Google Scholar, 105, 107, 109, 111, and esp. 113, 119, and 130 on education; Paidar, P., Women and the Political Process in 20th-Century Iran (Cambridge, 1995)Google Scholar, 94ff., 99, 100, 104ff.; Amin, Camron, “Propaganda and Remembrance: Gender, Education, and "The Women's Awakening' of 1936,” Iranian Studies 32 (1999): 351CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on women's role in the society; and Willem Floor, Industrialization in Iran, 1900-1941 (Durham, 1984): 17ff., and Ashraf and Banuazizi, "Class System.” 679, on economic and Industrial policy.

12. Foucault, Histoire de la sexualité I, 183ff. Since the Iranian modern and traditional-commercial middle classes did not have the power to shape society as directly as the bourgeois classes did in general in northwestern Europe, biopouvoir was organized even more hierarchically, and led by the state administration, than in the European case. On the case of Europe, see Foucault, M., Power/Knowledge. Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977, ed., Gordon, C. (New York, 1980), 176ffGoogle Scholar.

13. I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of this article for this information; for a brief summary on the treatment of medicine in later 19th century Qajar journals, see A. Hemmati, Die abendländische Medizin in Persien (Dissertation, Medizinische Fakultät, Universität Bonn):102f.

14. See e.g. “Qānūn-i varzish-i ijbārī dar madāris-i jadida, muṣavvab: 14 Shahrīvarmāh 1306 shamsī,” in Majmūᶜa-yi qavānīn-i mawżūᶜa va masā˒il-i muṣavvaba-yi dawra-yi shashum-i taqnīniyya, 1305-1306 shamsī (Tehran).

15. For a succinct discussion of the implications and history of the terms ‘mode of life' versus ‘mode of production,' see Kalb, D., Expanding Class: Power and Everyday Life Politics in Industrial Communities: The Netherlands, 1850–1950 (Durham and London, 1997)Google Scholar, Introduction, esp. 5.

16. See e.g., "Inqilāb va tarbiyat-i ijtimāᶜī,” Īrānshahr, 1:11 (1923/24): 294f. about the necessity of one national project in which all individuals of the nation participate; "Āghāznāmeh," Āyandeh 1 (1925): 10, about the influence sports could have on the state if all would practice them; “Iṣlāḥāt-i ijtimāᶜī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 16.10.1928 about the interrelationship between individual and societal reform and duties; “Luzūm-i varzish barā-yi javānān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 19.8.1934, on the positive influence of sports on young people's ability to help in the progress of the 'vatan', and on the impact venereal diseases (striking individuals) have on the whole society; "Difāᶜ-i ijtimāᶜī va sahi," Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 14.8.1935, about the damaging influence of genetically inferior persons on the nation; "Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa yā tandurustī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 19.11.1935, about the influence of personal standards of hygiene on public health; “Ahammiyyat-i bahdāsht,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 28.11.1937, about the need for the application of hygienic measures both on the personal and the societal level; “Nizhād-i qavī va nīrūmand," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 12.10.1938, about health as benefiting individuals and nation at the same time; "Tarbiyat-i akhlāqī-yi fardī va ijtimāᶜī," Āmūzish va Parvarish 9 (1939-40); "Ravish-i varzish-i Īrān," Āmūzish va Parvarish 9:7-8 (1939-40) about the need to strengthen weak individuals in order to strengthen the nation; "Sukhanrānī: Varzishhā-yi tābistānī va urdūhā-yi pīshāhangi. Sukhanrānī-yi Āqā-yi Ṣadrī, Muᶜāvin-i tarbiyat-i badanī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 15 Tir 1319 (6.7.1940); “Hamkāri-yi jāmiᶜī va pazishk” (Cooperation between society and the physician), Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 22. Tir 1319 (13.7.1940); "Sukhanrānīyi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319: sukhanrāni-yi Āqā-yi Bāzārkād rājiᶜ bih: Ahammiyyat-i tarbiyat-i badanī va pīshāhangī,” Parvarish-i Afkār 1319 (1940–41):242, about the connection between individual health and the future of the state. Of related interest are the following passages: “Khiyālāt: Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2:6 (1921):1, about the important role of physical education in nation building; “Aql-i salīm dar jism-i sālim” Īrānshahr 3 (1925): 551, on the same theme; and “Varzish va zarvat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.11.1938, about the need to have a strong population in times of war. About similar patterns in the same fields (especially hygiene) in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Egypt, see e.g. Russell, M. L., Creating the New Woman: Consumerism, Education, and National Identity in Egypt, 1863-1922 (Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown University, 1997), 289Google Scholar.

17. See e.g. Camron A. Amin, "The Attentions of the Great Father: Reza Shah, “The Woman Question," and the Iranian Press, 1890–1946" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1996). For earlier periods, see e.g. Rudolph Matthee's argument on the nature of state-society relations under the Safavids, Matthee, Rudolph P., The Politics of Trade in Safavid Iran. Silk for Silver, 1600-1730 (Cambridge, 1999): 7, 61-63Google Scholar.

18. A very insightiful description of this phenomenon was written by Blücher, the long-time German ambassador to Tehran: “Educated persons such as the deceased Teymurtash and the present Prime Minister Forughi. . .are only apparently mediators; in reality, it is their responsibility to keep up the conversations and to form and refine the ideas which the Shah sketches out at best in rough lines. . . . His [Reza Shah's] merit is not diminished by the fact that it is other men educated in European (technical) culture, such as Teymurtasch and Forughi, who have introduced him to these ideas and who keep him there.” (Blücher to the German Foreign Ministery; Tehran, October 27th, 1933. Report entitled “Persönlichkeit des Schahs" (Personality of the Shah], N° A389, 4. Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amtes, Folder R78162 [Der Schah und seine Familie-Personalien].)

19. "Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardīn 1319," 225ff. On the same theme, see: “Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2 (1921): 2; “ᶜAql-i salīm dar jism-i sālim,"547ff., 556; "Luzūm-i varzish barā-yi javānān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 19.8.1934; “Varzish va amrāż-i ᶜaṣabānī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.4.1937; "Ahammiyyat-i bahdāsht," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.11.1937 (under 'bahdāsht va kār'); “Varzish va javānī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 26.10.1938; “Bāshgāhhā-yi varzish barā-yi kārmandān-i idārāt," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 11.12.1939; “Varzish va Dabistān," Āmūzish va Parvarish 10 (1940–41): 50.

20. Berman, Marshall, All That Is Solid Melts Into Air: The Experience of Modernity (London, 1982), 102Google Scholar.

21. On the European and US context of the dark sides of modern civilization embodied in concepts like fatigue or neurasthenia, see Thomas Mann's novel Der Zauberberg, especially the figure of Settembrini; Gosling, F. G., Before Freud. Neurasthenia and the American Medical Community 1870–1910 (Urbana & Chicago, 1987)Google Scholar; Rabinbach, A., The Human Motor. Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (Berkeley, 1990)Google Scholar, esp. ch. 6: "Mental Fatigue, Neurasthenia, and Civilization;" and Harris, R., Murders and Madness. Medicine, Law and Society in the fin de siècle (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar, Introduction and ch .2: “The Medical Approach."

22. See on the following issues: On society's duty to cooperate with medicine, see e.g. a series called “Hamkārī-yi jāmiᶜa va pazishk" (Cooperation between society and the physican), Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 1st article 22.Tir 1319 (13.7.1940): "The aim of these articles is that you will not get ill, and if you are ill, that you will be an intelligent patient... . We hope that in this way you will do a service to your country;" for following numbers, see e.g. 24. Tir 1319 (15.7.1940), 23. Shahrivar 1319 (14.9.1940), 8. Mehr 1319 (30.9.1940), or 10. Mehr 1319 (2.10.1940); see also: "Khānadārī: qarn-i ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.4.1936; “Bahdāsht dar Sākhtamān-i khāneh-hā-yi maskūnī,” Āmūzish va Parvarish 9 (1939–40): 42–54; “Bahdāsht-i khānavādagī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 1 Shahrivār 1319 ff. (23.8.1940ff.) On venereal diseases, see e.g. “Maraż-i siphilis: khaṭarāt-i ijtimāᶜī, ṭuruq-i jalawgīrī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 5./6./11./20./22.10.1931; “Aqim kardan-i marżā va mujārimīn," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 2.9.1933; “ᶜAqim-kardan-i zan va mard," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.9.1933; “Taᶜqīm yā qaṭᶜ-i nasl kardan-i marżā," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 1.1.1934; “Bāz ham sifilīs," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 7.9.1934; "Mawżū°a-yi amrāż-i tanāsulī va ṭarīqa-yi jalawgīrī-yi ān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 19.10.1934; "Khaṭarāt-i siphilis va Alkol. Kunfarāns-i Āqāyi Duktur Ḥakīm Ahzām," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 16.-20./24./25.3.1935; “Difāᶜ-i ijtimāᶜī va ṣiḥhī az amrāż-i muqārabatī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 14./15./17.8.1935; “Amrāż-i moqārebati," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25./26./27./28./30.11.& 1./2.12.1935; “Amrāż-i muqārabati. konferāns-i Duktur Amāmi ra˒is-i ṣiḥḥī-yi madāris," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 8./9./11./12.4.1936; "Mubāraza bā Amrāż: chigūneh az kam shudan-i jamᶜ-yat bāyad jalawgīrī kard? Ṭarz-i mubāraza bā mālāriā—siphilis--sūzāk," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 28.-30.11.1936; "Siphilis," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 5.-8.12.1939; “bahdāsht: qattāltar az jang-siphilis qābil-i muᶜālaja ast. Az ibrāz-i ān bih ṭabīb sharm nakunid'," Mihrgān N° 94, 1318/1939-40): 16–17. On ethics and morality, see e.g.: “Ilm va akhlāq," Īrānshahr, 1 (1922): 33–36; on lying (from a scientific point of view), Āyandeh, 1 (1925–26): 289-92, 307–15, and Āyandeh 1:6 (1925/26); “Ta˒ṣīr-i irāda dar tarbiyat-i akhlāq," Īrānshahr 4 (1926): 407–11; "Iṣlāḥāt-i ijtimāᶜī,” article (on ethics) in 24/25, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 19, 21.11.1928ff, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 17.10.1935 (on the ethics of work; Iṭṭilāᶜāt 27. Mihr 1314 (21.10.35)ff. (conference with the head of the Majlis, Isfandiyāri, on the moral education of women); “Ta˒ṣīr-i zan dar akhlāq-i ᶜumūmī,” Mihrgān 16, 16 Bahman 1314 (5.2.1936); “Bachchah-hāyi tanbal," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 27.1.1938; Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 23.05.1939 (on children), “Tarbiyat-i akhlāqi-yi fardī va ijtimāᶜī," Āmūzish va Parvarish 8:9 (1939/40):1-14; Mihrgān N° 104 1318/1939–40): 4 (on ethics and education). On mental/spiritual issues, see e.g.: "Maydān-hā-yi bāzī,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 3 (1927-28): 389; “ᶜAql-i ṭifl," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 15.4.1934; “Ta˒ṣir-i mādar dar takāmol-i jismāni va rūḥāni-yi bache," Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 4 (1934–35); “Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa-yi damāghī-yi aṭfāl,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 6 (1936–37): 268–74 and 6 (1936–37): 738–42; “Bachchah-hā-yi kam-hūsh," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.4.1938; "bahdāsht-i rūḥ va Ahammiyyat-i ān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.5.1938; Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.11.1938 (on the weakness of brain power); Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 3. Khordād 1319 and 25. Khordād 1319 (24.5.1940 and 15.6.1940) (on improving the mental capacity of children); Nāmeh-yi Shahrbāni 5 (1318/1939–40): 34ff. and 5 (1318/1939–40): 35(55?)ff. as well as Sāzmān-i parvarish-i afkār 4 (1940): 185–211 (spiritual and mental influence of the family on the children). Cf. G. Vatandoust, Sayyid Hasan Taqīzādah, 44, 93, 100ff., 105, 163ff., 177 on Taqizadeh's arguments about diseases and addictions (e.g. opium) and genetic defects primarily among the masses.

23. For the general trends of industrialization, see: Floor, Industrialization, 2033, and Karshenas, M., Oil, State, and Industrialization in Iran (Cambridge, 1990), 69ffGoogle Scholar.

24. Ehlers, E. and Floor, W., “Urban Change in Iran, 1920-1941," Iranian Studies 26 (1993): 256CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 258, 262, 265, 267, 270, 271. Tehran grew from 210,000 (1930) to 540,087 (1941), see Ehlers & Floor, “Urban Change," 262, table 4. For urbanization and modern architecture, see J. Scarce, "The role of architecture in the creation of Theran," and M. Habibi, "Réza Chah et le développement de Téhéran (1925-1941),” both published in C. Adle and B. Hourcade (eds.), Téhéran capitale bicentenaire (Paris, Téhéran, Louvain, 1992), 73–94 and 199-206 respectively; M. Marefat, Building to Power: Architecture of Tehran, 1921-1941 (Ph.D. dissertation, MIT, 1988), ch.2: ‘Public Architecture: Architecture of the State', 68–152, esp. 77-79, and 83 for the displacement of poor inhabitants.

25. Rejali, Torture and Modernity, 52

26. For some indications of such restrictions in the case of the lack of municipal funds to build low-cost houses, see Ehlers and Floor, “Urban Change," 274.

27. Bailey, P., Leisure and Class in Victorian England: Rational Recration and the Contest for Control, 1830-1885 (London, 1978), 67Google Scholar, citing G. J. Romanes in “Nineteenth Century.” For a similar argument calling for sticking to “beneficial (mufid) pastimes" "during the hours of free time," see "Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319, 229; "Iṣlāḥāt-i ijtimāᶜī,” article 19 on "tafrīh,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 12.11.1928.

28. "Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh, 6 (1921):1ff.

29. The division of free time and work became a crucial reformist demand; see e.g. “ᶜAql-i salim dar jism-i sālim,” 547.

30. "Bi-qalam-i Duktur Faraydūn Kishāvarz: Luzūm-i Taksīr-i jamᶜīyat dar Īrān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 22.8.1937. On the relation between health, work, and (in most articles also) population control, see also: “Taṣdīq-i ṣiḥḥat-i mizāj," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.8.1931; "Ḥifẓ-i ṣiḥḥat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 14.8.1934; "Bi-qalam-i Duktur Bani Ṣadr (Afsal al-Dawla): Ḥifẓ alṢiḥḥa yā tandurustī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 18.11.1935; "ṣiḥḥat-i shakhṣ," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.5.1936 "Mubāraza bā kam-shudan-i jamᶜīyāt,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.10.1936; "Taksīr-i nufūs— ᶜillat-i kamī ādam," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 20.12.1936; a whole series of articles called "Luzūm-i afrād-i sālim bara-yi takṣīr-i jamᶜīyat” 20.12.1937, re-named after 27.12.1937 (N°7) into "Iṭṭilāᶜāt lāzim barā-yi mādarān. Luzūm-i afrād-i sālim barā-yi takṣīr-i jamᶜīyat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt; “Nizhād-i qavi va nīrūmand," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 12.10.1938; “Varzish va ṣarvat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.11.1938; “Varzish-hā-yi tābistāni va urdūhā-yi pīshāhangī. Sukhanrānī-yi Āqā-yi Ṣadrī muᶜāvin-i tarbiyat-i badanī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 15.Tir 1319 (6.7.1940). On the interdependence between population increase and economic growth, see “Kār-i ziyād va ādam-i kam dārīm," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 14.12.1936; "Taqlīl-i nufūs," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 2.9.1937; “Jamᶜīyat va ta˒ṣīr-i ān dar faᶜᶜāliyyat-i iqtiṣādī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.12.1937.

31. Preventive measures were not a complete novelty for the Iran of the 1920s, although the Qajar dynasty had been both too weak and too disinterested to permanently impose governmental regulations concerning health on broad sections of urban or rural society. See especially L.-D. Kotobi, “L'émergence d'une politique de santé publique en Perse Qadjare (XIX-XX siècles),” Studia Iranica 24 (1995): 261-84; Ekhtiar, Maryam, The Dār al-Funûn: Educational Reform and Cultural Development in Qajar Iran [Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1994),: 156-59Google Scholar, 162–63, 167–69, 171–74, 220ff; 311-13, 315-16); Floor, W., “Les prèmières règles de police urbaine à Téhéran," in Adle, C. and Hourcade, B.: Téhéran capitale bicentenaire, 198Google Scholar; and Floor, W., "The Police in Qajar Persia,” Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft 123 (1973):304Google Scholar. This situation began to change in the 1920s with the establishment of the General Department of Health (șiḥḥīyā-yi kull-i kishvar) in 1926 as part of the Ministry of Interior, the foundation of many private sport clubs (more in the 1930s), the increase in the number of practicing physicians especially in the big cities, and the publications on preventive as well as treatmentrelated issues of health in all kinds of journals, magazines and newspapers of the day. In the area of sports, two of the most important big organizations were the Society for Sports in Iran (Kānūn-i Varzish-i Īrān) established by the Ministry of War in 1304/1925 and the National Association for Physical Culture (Anjumān-i Milli-yi Tarbiyat-i Badanī) established in 1313/1934 (see E. Shafiᶜi Sorustani, “Dāstān-i varzish-i modern," Ṣubḥ 74 (Azar 1374): esp. 34. Besides these organizations, there were hundreds of sports clubs popping up all over Iran in the 1920s and 1930s. For details and (governmental) statistics (which surely have to be taken with a pinch of salt), see e.g. “Nuṭq-i Āqā-yi Samīᶜī ra˒īs-i Anjumān-i Tarbiyat-i Badanī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 18.8.1937; "Pīshāhangi va tarbiyat-i badanī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.12.1937. See also: "Varzish dar madāris tawsiᶜa miyābad,” Ittilāāt 27.2.1934; “Varzish!," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 31.10.1934 (on the need to develop even more societal initiative in establishing clubs); “Taᶜmīm-i varzish va tarbiyat-i badanī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.9.1938 (on the opening of a College for Teachers of physical education)

32. Floor, Industrialization.

33. I have found very few articles before the 1930s explicitly connecting health and population increase. See e.g. "Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa-yi aṭfāl dar sanavāt-i tahṣīlī,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 1: (1925-26): 37. However, none also explicitly linked those issues with industrialization.

34. “Mubāraza bā kam-shudan-i jamᶜīyat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.10.1936.

35. “Nigārish-i Duktur “Alavī: Mubāraza bā Amrāż. Chigūneh az kam-shudan-i jamᶜīyat bāyad jalawgīrī kard?" part 3, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.11.1936.

36. “Bi-qalam-i Duktur Faraydūn Kishāvarz,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 22.8.1937.

37. See e.g. ibid. Suggestions about control of the population's health included calls for a mandatory health-register which would have to be presented in case of marriage and the prohibition for sick persons to marry: “Taṣdīq-i ṣiḥḥat-i mizāj," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.8.1931; "Tandurustī va zanāshū˒ī," Mihrgān 1 (1935/36): 14; “Daftar-i ṣiḥḥat yā nāmeh tandurustī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.4.1936; "Negāresh-i Doktur ‘Alavi: part 2, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 29.11.1936; "Nasl-i pāk barā-yi zandagāni żurūrat dārad,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 19.4.1938; "Guvāhī-nāmeh-yi tandurustī barā-yi zanāshū˒1," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 11.10.1938; “Nizhād-i qavī va nīrūmand,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 12.10.1938; “Nasl-i sālim," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 12.10.1938; “Dar pirāmūn-i guvāhi-nāmeh-yi tandurustī: barā-yi javānān nīz sūdmand ast. Vaṣāyif-i khānavādeh," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 15.10.1938; “Nigārish-i Āqā-yi Duktur Najāt: Guvāhī-nāmeh-yi tandurustī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 1.12.1938.

38. The realities and contingent characteristics of sex divisions (often connected to the debate about the sense or nonsense of the public-private division) in different European countries and regions is of course also a bone of contention in European historiography. An extreme advocate of a total sex division was Smith, B., Ladies of the Leisure Class. The Bourgeoises of Northern France in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, 1981)Google Scholar; for revisions, see e.g.: Davidoff, L. and Hall, C., Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago, 1987)Google Scholar, Hall, C., White, Male and Middle Class. Explorations in Feminism and History (New York:, 1992)Google Scholar:Part II, and Vickery, A., "Golden Age to Separate Spheres: A Review of the Categories and Chronology of English Women's History,” The Historical Journal 36 (1993):383–414CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39. The 1931 Civil Code's article 1127 ruled that a wife was not allowed to demand a divorce but had the legal right to refuse sexual relations with her husband if he was afflicted by a venereal disease; see Paidar, Women and the political process, 110.

40. For the limited nature of work outside home, and the heavy legal restrictions on women in the marriage which make it clear that their place was seen as being at home, see ibid, 108–13.

41. "Tarbiyat-i badanī,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 4:5 (1934/35):257.

42. "Mubāraza bā kam-shudan-i jamᶜīyat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.10.1936 (continuation 1113.10.1936)

43. "Ahammiyyat-i bahdāsht," part 2, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 28.11.1937

44. “Ahammiyyat-i bahdāsht,” part 5, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 1.12.1937

45. “Ta˒ṣir-i ᶜādāt dar tandurustī va bīmārī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 13.Khordād 1319

46. On the division between treatment and prevention, see e.g. “Ahammiyyat-i bahdāsht," part 6, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 2.12.1937; "Bahdāsht dar sākhtamān-i khāneh-hā-yi maskūnī,” Āmūzish va Parvarish 9:6 (1939/40):42. On the relationship between the physician and lay people who can help to prevent diseases or perform emergency treatment, see: "Jalawgīrī az ẓuhūr-i amrāż," 'Ālam-i Nisvān 12 (1932): 249–53; “Khāneh-dārī: qarn-i ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.4.1936; "Kumak-hā-yi nakhustīn pīsh az rasidān-i pazishk,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 14.3.1939; series of articles called “Hamkārī-yi jāmiᶜa va pazishk,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt starting 22.Tir 1319 (13.7.1940); "Jalawgīrī az ẓuhūr-i Amrāż," ᶜĀlam-i Nisvān 12:6 (1932):249-253.

47. "Takṣīr-i nufūs, ᶜillat-i kamī ādam," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 20.12.1936

48. See e.g. ibid.; "Khānedārī: Qarn-i Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.4.1936. This issue is exemplified in the change of the title of a series called "Luzūm-i afrād-i sālim barā-yi takṣir-i jamᶜīyat” (The need for healthy persons for the multiplication/reproduction of society) into "Iṭṭilāᶜāt-i lāzim barā-yi mādarān “ (Indispensable information for mothers). 20.12.1937-18.1.1938, change of title 27.12.1937, Iṭṭilāᶜāt. Clearly, discussion of mothers' influence on their children's health (without the explicit connection to population increase appearing in the 1930s) had begun way back in the 1920s and earlier. Also in the 1930s, many articles were published which did not explicitly mention the connection of health/hygiene to demographics. See Najmabadi, Afsaneh, "Crafting an Educated Housewife," in Abu-Lughod, Lila (ed.), Remaking Women. Feminism and Modernity in the Middle East (Princeton, 1998): 91-125CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

49. Issues of public hygiene, i.e. those practices for which the goverment is directly responsible, will not be dealt directly with here. For housing conditions, see: "Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa-yi aṭfāl dar sanavāt-i taḥṣīlī," Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 1:3-4 (1925/26):37f.; "Chand kalima az ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa dar madāris-i ibtidā˒ī,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 1 (1925–26): 14–19; “Banā-yi ᶜimārat-i madāris,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 2:11 (1926/27):561-567; "Ilm-i khāneh-dārī: khāneh," ᶜAlam-i Nisvān 9 (1929): 277–79; "Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa-yi manzil," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.5.1936; "Ahammiyyat-i Bahdāsht," N°7, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.12.1937; “Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa-yi madāris," Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 6:3 (1936/37):197-199 (subchapter on 'banā-yi madrasa'); “Bahdāsht dar sākhtamān-i khāneh-hā-yi maskūnī," Āmūzish va Parvarish 9:6 (1939/40):42-54; "Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa manzil,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.5.1936; "Ahammiyyat-i Bahdāsht,” N°7, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.12.1937

50. “Ahammiyyat-i Bahdāsht," N°7, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.12.1937

51. "Bi-qalam-i Ṣadiqa-i Dawlatābādi: Ahammiyyat-i ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa barā-yi zanān," Īrānshahr 2:1 (1923): 20; "Chand kalima az ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa dar madāris-i ibtidā˒ī," Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 1: 5 (1925/26):14ff; "Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa—Varzish,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 2:6 (1926/27):313/316; "Iṣlāḥāt-i ijtimāᶜī,” N°1, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 16.10.1928; “Aghziyye,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.12.1935; “Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa-yi ghazā˒i," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 12.12.1936; "Ghazā va tandurustī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 13.4.1937; “Ahammiyyat-i Bahdāsht," N°7, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.12.1937; “Iṭṭilāᶜāt-i lāzem barā-yi māderān (Luzūm-i afrād-i sālim barā-yi takṣīr-i jamᶜīyat),” N°10, 12ff., 15, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 31.12.1937 (on industrially produced baby-food), 4 and 5.1.1938 (on the sterilization of mother's milk), 9.1.1938 (baby food); "Bahdāsht va khūrāk," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 21.10.1938; “Vasīla-i jalawgīrī az ᶜādāt-i bad,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.2.1939; “Khūrāk,” Āmūzish va Parvarish 8:11-12 (1938/39):82-88; “Gavāresh-i ghazā va Ta˒ṣīrī ān dar fikr kardan va khvābīdan” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.5.1939; “Ta˒ṣīr-i ᶜadāt dar tandurustī va bīmārī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 13 Khordād 1319/3.6.1940; "Ghazā va Bahdāsht," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 7. Mordād 1319/29.7.1940; “Khūrāk," Āmūzish va Parvarish 8:11-12 (1938–39):82–88.

52. "Tavajjuh bi-nawzādān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt N° 2033, 1313/1934; “Ahammiyyat-i Bahdāsht,” N°8 Iṭṭilāᶜāt 4.12.1937; “Vasīla-i jalawgīrī az ᶜādāt-i bad," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.2.1939; “Ilm-i khānedārī,” ᶜĀlam-i Nisvān 9:4 (1929):192.

53. The way in which sport was seen as being related to all these elements is reflected e.g. in their presence in the official curriculum of the Teachers' College for Sport; see Dawlat-i ᶜAli-yi Iran, Vizarat-i maᶜarif va awqāf va ṣanā˒iᶜ-i mustaẓrafa: Qavānīn va muqarrarāt marbūṭ bi-muᶜārif va madāris, 1307–1308 (1928–30) (Tehran): 107ff. (830)

54. For general comments not connected directly with sport, see "Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa-yi aṭfāl dar sanavāt-i taḥṣīlī,” Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 1:3-4 (1925/26):38; “Ahammiyyat-i Bahdāsht," N°4 and 7, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.11. and 3.12.1937; "Vasīla-yi jalawgīrī az ᶜādāt-i bad,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.2.1939

55. See e.g. "Ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa yā tandurustī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 31.10.1935. on women practicing sports indoors, see also "Bi-qalam-i Ṣādiqa-yi Dawlatābādī: Ahammiyyat-i ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa barā-yi zanān," Īrānshahr 2:1 (1923):21-23, and "Zan va varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.11.1938.

56. “Qavānīn-i ṣiḥḥat-i badan," ᶜĀlam-i Nisvān 12:3 (1932):130-133.

57. "Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2 (1921): 2; “Varzish-i badanī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 18.6.1934; "Zanān dar jahān-i varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 27.4.1937; “Varzish barā-yi hameh, hameh barā-yi varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.9.1938; “Tamrīnāt-i badanī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 16.4.1939; “Jalādat va shahāmat dar natīja-yi āmūzish va varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt (6 Aban 1318/ 28.10.1939); “Varzish-hā-yi tābistānī," Mihrgān N° 114 (7. Tir 1319/28.6.1940); "Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2 (1921): 2

58. See "Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319, 234ff. (on the need to do trekking in the Iranian mountains around Tehran in order to balance the bad city life); "Iṣlāḥāt-i ijtimāᶜī,” N°2, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 17.10.1928 (especially complaining about the bad air in cities in the summer and the need to breathe the fresh mountain air). Of course, leaving the city of Tehran to cooler areas during the summer's hot peak had been the custom before for the rich and the wealthy, but the scientific discourse behind it was new.

59. Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319, 234ff.; "Kūh-gardī-yi dabīrān-i varzish,” Mihrgān 1 (1314/1935–36); "Ṣuᶜūd bar qalᶜa-yi Damāvand,” Mihrgān 1 (1314/1935-36): 10; “Kūh-navardī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.11.1938; “Kūh-hā-yi Hazārak," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 26.11.1938.

60. “Ahammiyyat-i Bahdāsht,” N°8, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 4.12.1937

61. The same six to eight hours prescribed as the scientifically objective amount of sleep needed were imbued with moral content: sleeping more would be a sign of laziness. See: “Bi-qalam-i Ṣādiqa-yi Dawlatābādī: Ahammiyyat-i ḥifẓ al-ṣiḥḥa barā-yi zanān," chapter on "khvāb,” Īrānshahr 2 (1923): 20ff.

62. "Khvāb,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 5.7.1939; other articles include: "Tandurustī va khvāb," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.2.1937; “Khvāb va istirāḥat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 26.2.1939; “Khvāb-i kudakān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 18.8.1939.

63. For a study of these theories, see e.g. Rabinbach, The Human Motor.

64. "Ravish-i varzish-i Īrān," Āmūzish va Parvarish, 9:7-8 (1939/40):17

65. See e.g. “Aql-i salīm dar jism-i sālim," Īrānshahr 3 (1924–25): 548; compare “Iṣlāḥāt-i ijtimāᶜī,” article 19 on ‘tafrīḥ', Iṭṭilāᶜāt 12.11.1928.

66. "Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319, 228. For a similar use of the metaphor ‘machine for the human body, see "Salāmatī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 19.6.1929: ‘human body machine' (māshīn-i badan-i insānī). The image of humans (or the whole society) as machines, and institutions as factories producing such machines, seems to have come into use in Iran already in the nineteenth century. See e.g. Malik al-Mutakallimin's inaugural speech at the Sadat school in 1898 where he called schools “factories for producing human beings" (cited in Menashri, Education and the Making of Modern Iran, 37). The same terms were used by Malkum Khan and Mirza Nasrallah Khan Mushir al-Dawla, the latter using them at the establishment of the Madrasa-yi ᶜUlum-i Siyasi in 1899 (idem, 44, 59). Taqizade speaks about society as a machine (Paidar, Women, 98ff). This idea is obviously connected to the term 'machine life' or ‘age of machine', see e.g. “Varzish va amrāż-i ᶜaṣabāni,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.4.1937.

67. On the function of (middle and some upper class) women in the household in general in Iran, see Najmabadi, “Crafting an Educated Housewife.” On the same theme, compare the examples of Egypt and Europe: Russell, Creating the New Woman, 169–71, 288ff.; Badran, M., Feminists, Islam and Nation. Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt (Princeton, 1995), 61–65Google Scholar; Hall, White, Male and Middle Class, chs. 2 and 3.

68. "Barā-yi īn kih kamtar khasteh shavīd,” Mihrgān N° 87 (1318)

69. See “Maktūb az ālmān: Varzish-i zanhā—Ta˒ṣīri bachcheh-hā,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 13.1.1930; "Varzish-i dukhtarān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.5.1935; “Zanī kih mard shudeh ast," Mihrgān 1:16 (1935-36); the combination of "āmūkhtan-i āshpazī dar dānishsarā-yi muqaddamātī-yi dukhtarān” and “Varzishhā-yi badanī-yi dūshīzagān." Iṭṭilāᶜāt 6.2.1936; “Dukhtarān-i varzishkār," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.3.1937; “Luzūm-i varzish barā-yi zanān," Mihrgān N°55 (1937/38):4; "Tarbiyat-i pīshāhangi-yi dukhtarān” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 17.10.1938; “Zan va varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.11.1938; “Kalās-i tarbiyat-i pīshānhangi," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10. Behman 1318/30.1.1940); "Tanāvā˒ī-yi tan va ravān. Bānuvān-i varzishkār” Mihrgān N°114 (1940/41):7; “Tarbiyat-i badanī-yi dukhtarān,” Mihrgān N°119 (1940/41):3; “Chihgūnah varzish mīkunid,” Mihrgān N° 130 (1940–41): 8. On the same issue in the European context, see McCrone, K. E., Sport and the Physical Emancipation of English Women, 1870–1914 (London, 1988)Google Scholar, ch. 7 "The Medical and Scientific Debate on Women's Sport," and Tranter, N., Sport, Economy, and Society in Britain, 1750–1914 (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar, ch.6, esp. 85–90.

70. “Varzish va zībā˒ī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 18.11.1937; “Varzish-i badanī-yi bānuvān” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 11.1.1939; “Zībā˒i va varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.6.1939; “Varzish barā-yi bānuvān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 29. Shahrivar 1319/20.9.1940.

71. See e.g. "Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2 (1921):2; see also footnote 111 on articles on the physiological effects sport has on the regeneration of the body.

72. See e.g. "Ahammiyyat-i Bahdāsht,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 30.11.1937; "Bāshgāh-hā-yi varzishī barā-yi kārmandān-i idārat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 11.12.1939.

73. See e.g. “Aql-i salīm dar jism-i sālim” 547; “Tarbiyat-i Millī,” part 3, Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 2 (1926–27): 349; “Dastūr-i varzish-i dabistān-hā-yi ẕukūr," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 1.3.1935 ff; “Tamrīnāt-i badanī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 16.4.1939; “Varzish va Dabistān," Āmūzish va Parvarish 10:4 (1940/41):50f. Compare with the more general argument about the imbalance between body and mind resulting in psychical diseases in the modern "machine" age in: “Varzish va amrāż-i ᶜaṣabānī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.4.1937, and with the general argument about the need to balance 'body and soul': “Rāh-i ku dar taᶜlim va tarbiyat," Īrānshahr 3 (1924–25): 397; “Hamām-i jism—hamām-i rūḥ," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 27.1.1934.

74. “Varzish-i badanī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 18.6.1934

75. “Luzūm-i bāzī va tarbiyat-i badanī,” Āyandeh 1:12 (1925/26):754.

76. See footnote 22 on articles articulating specific features of these fears; on sport as one way to defuse these modern dangers of imbalance and degeneration, see the following articles: “Dastūr-i varzish-i dabistān-hā-yi ẕukūr," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 1.3.1935 ff.; “Varzish va amrāż-i ᶜaṣabānī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.4.1937; “Tamrīnāt-i badanī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 16.4.1939; “Bāshgāh-hā-yi varzishī barā-yi kārmandān-i idārat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt, 11.12.1939; “Aql-i salīm dar jism-i sālim” Īrānshahr 3:9 (1924/25):547; “Tarbiyat-i Millī." part 3. Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 2:7 (19276/27):349: "Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319, 229, 237; “Varzish va Dabistān," Āmūzish va Parvarish 10:4 (1940/41): 50ff. Compare with the more general argument about the imbalance between body and mind in: "Rāh-i ku dar taᶜlīm va tarbiyat," Īrānshahr 3:7 (1924/25):397 and “Hamām-i jism-hamām-i rūḥ," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 27.1.1934; for an interesting association of the modern (imbalanced/soulless) "machine" age to psychic diseases, see the above mentioned article “Varzish va amrāż-i ᶜaṣabānī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.4.1937. This fear about imbalance—one negative effect of civilization-as one cause for the loss of energy had its roots in nineteenth-century US- and European concepts, cf. footnote 22. For the specific connection of these fears with sport in the European context, see: Rabinbach, The Human Motor, 224–28, as well as P. Arnaud, “Education physique, sport et santé dans la société française. Une France saine et régénérée," in idem and Terret, T. (eds.): Sport, éducation et art, XIXe—XXe siècles (Paris, 1996):89–95Google Scholar, and Nye, R. A., Crime, Madness and Politics in Modern France. The Medical Concept of National Decline (Princeton, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, both on France's concern about its unhealthy, overworked youth in the post-1871 era and the educational reforms proposed. Tranter, Sport, Society and Economy in Britain, 79, Mangan, J.A., Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School: The Emergence and Consolidation of an Educational Ideology (Cambridge, 1981): 135–37Google Scholar, and Bailey, Leisure and Class in Victorian England, 126-29, all deal with the later nineteenth-century English preoccupation with sports and games, especially, but not only, in the public schools, which was partly a reaction to the perceived dangers of degeneration.

77. In addition to the articles cited in the last footnote, see the following ones: “Varzish-i badanī,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 1.6.1934; “Luzūm-i varzish barā-yi javānān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 19.8.1934; "Yakī az 'avāmil-i muhimm-i taraqqī-yi ijtimāᶜī, yā pīshāhangi va tarbiyat-i badani," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 19.8.1937; "Ahammiyyat-i bahdāsht," N°4, Iṭṭilāᶜāt 1.12.1937: “Varzish va nawzād." Iṭṭilāᶜāt 24.10.1938: "Khuṣūṣiyyat-i ijtimāᶜī-yi varzish,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.10.1938; “Varzish-i badanī barā-yi kūdakān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.11.1938; “Varzish barā-yi bānuvān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 29.Shahrivar 1319; “Yān-padar-i varzish dar ālmān," Īrānshahr 3:3 (1924/25):156ff; “Agl-i salīm dar jism-i sālim" Īrānshahr 3:9 (1924–25):551; “Varzish-hā-yi tābistānī,” Mihrgān N°114 (1940/41).

78. “ᶜAql-i salīm dar jism-i sālim,” 547.

79. “Varzish va amrāż-i ᶜaṣabānī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 9.4.1937.

80. “Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2:6 (1921):1

81. “Jalādat va shahāmat dar natīja-yi āmūzish va varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 28.10.193976 Ābān 1318.

82. "Musābaqa-hā-yi varzishī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 4 Āzar 1314/26.11.1935). For articles specifically dealing with the issue of sport as a vehicle for building and teaching cooperation and team spirits, see e.g. “Khuṣūṣiyyat-i ijtimāᶜī-i varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.10.1938; “Meydānhā-yi bāzī," Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 3 (1927/28):393; an article in Iṭṭilāᶜāt (19.8.1934) on 'constitution physique et morale': “Luzūm-i bāzī va tarbiyat-i badanī,” Āyandeh 1:12 (1935/36):749/751; also "Tarbiyat-i badanī va ahammiyyat-i ān az naẓar-i ḥirfa wa shughl,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 7 (1937–38): 160ff. on 'personal' morality. See also "Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319, 231.

83. For general comments on women's morality and sport, see “Varzish va nīrū-yi irāda," Mihrgān 1:7 (1935/36):7; also specifically on morality: "Taᶜmīm-i varzish va tarbiyat-i badanī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.9.1938; "Varzish barā-yi hame, hame barā-yi varzish," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.9.1938; “Varzish barā-yi bānuvān," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 29. Shahrivar 1319/20.8.1940; "Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319, 228–31, 241. Compare Paidar, Women, 109–12, regardinmg the Civil Code's restrictive laws on women's rights in marriage.

84. Especially “Tarbiyat-i Millī,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 2 (1926–27): 293 and 349ff; also "Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2 (1921): 2; cf. “Aql-i salīm dar jism-i sālim," 554 on nutrition in Britain. Compare ᶜAli Dashti's interest in Anglo-Saxon ways of building character reflected in his translations of the Englishman Samuel Smiles' nineteenth-century book Self Help and the twentieth-century Frenchman Demolins' work Le succès des Anglo-Saxons: A. Dashti, Iᶜtimād bi-nafs (Tehrān, 1305/1926–27) and A. Dashti, Tafavvuq-i Ānglusāksūn (Teheran, 1303/1924–25.)

85. Michael P. Zirinsky, “A Panacea for the Ills of the Country: American Presbyterian Education in Inter-War Iran," Iranian Studies 26 (1993):129-33; cf. “Maydānhā-yi bāzī,” Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 3 (1927–28): 390ff. on sport in the USA. An English traveler states in the early 1930s about Isfahan, "... the young Isfahani is beginning to play 'foota-ball', a game they are learning from the English Church Missionary College boys who are great enthusiasts,” and continues with the following derogatory note, “Until a few years ago, the Persian boys preferred the kind of games which demanded nothing much more strenous than lying by running water." (Richards, F., A Persian Journey (London, 1931), 31Google Scholar.) As far as one can tell from the recent dissertations of Ekhtiar, The Dār al-Funūn, and Ringer, Education and Reform, up until the early twentieth century, the Dar al-Funun did not offer specific 'modern sports and games beside its emphasis on military education (which seems to have declined or even stopped by the late 1870s; see Ringer, Education and Reform, 190ff.). As of the other Iranian-directed schools established prior to 1906, the Tehran-based ᶜIlmiyya (founded 1898) is reported to have included "exercise and military maneuvers" in its curriculum, while the Dabistan-i Saᶜadat (established 1900) included daily supervised recreation on the school's playground (“barā-yi rafᶜ-i khastagī”) and weekly outdoor walks in its charter; see respectively Ringer, Education and Reform, 210 and “Ṣūrat-i niẓāmnāmeh-yi Dabistān-i Saᶜādat,” urayyā 2: 25 (1900): 19, §15. An article in the monthly journal Nāmeh-yi Shahrbāni claims that French schools as well (it is not clear whether the Alliance schools or the religious Lazarite schools are meant) were involved in the spread of soccer early in the twentieth century; see “Varzish-i Iran-i qadīm va jadīd,” Nāmeh-yi Shahrbāni 1: 10 (1935–36): 43.

86. E. Shafiᶜi Sorustani: “Dāstān-i varzish-i modern,” Ṣubḥ 74 (Āzar 1374/ 1995–96): esp. 33ff. The legations in Tehran seem to have practiced quite a variety of sports in general; see e.g. the following passage by an Englishwoman who lived in the British legation, "A tremendous lot of tennis is played from March to November, and sometimes even in December, if it is dry enough. There are two Clubs in town, and one goes up country. The German legation has a good court both in town and in the country, and the Russian one in the country is the meeting-place on Sundays. I think everyone in Tehran plays tennis. Sometimes it is possible in the spring to get up a polo team .... Now there is hockey and football to while away the time, and in summer the very enthusiastic play cricket.” (de Warzée, Dorothy, Peeps into Persia [London, 1913], 109.Google Scholar) The APOC installations in Khuzistan seem to have exerted some influence too, although they began to take on larger dimensions only in the late teens. Iranians, Indians and Europeans more often than not participated in separate clubs, of which some were dedicated to sport; see Ferrier, R.W., The History of the British Petroleum Company. Volume 1: The Developing Years, 1901-1932 (Cambridge, 1982), 268Google Scholar, and especially Bamberg, J.H., The History of the British Petroleum Company. Volume 2: The Anglo-Iranian Years, 1928-1954 (Cambridge, 1994),103-105.Google Scholar

87. “Varzish-i Iran-i qadīm va jadīd,” Nāmeh-yi Shahrbāni 1:10 (1935/36):43; Arasteh, R., Education and Social Awakening in Iran, 1850-1960 (Leiden, 1962), 79Google Scholar notes that the College was closed in 1934 and reopened in 1938, only to be closed again four years later.

88. Iranshahr, Kazemzadeh, Āṣār va aḥvāl-i Īrānshahr (Tehran, 1350/1971), 92.Google Scholar

89. “Musābaqa-hā-yi varzish,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 4 Āzar 1314/26.11.1935.

90. Ibid; see also “Varzish!,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10 Ābān 1313/31.10.1934.

91. "Pīshāhangī va tarbiyat-i badani" Iṭṭilāᶜāt 4.Day 1316/25.12.1937.

92. "Khaṣāyiṣ-i Īrāniyān," Īrānshahr 1: 4 (1922): 59.

93. “Inqilāb va tarbiyat-i ijtimāᶜī,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 1: 11 (1923-24): 294; cf. "Āghāznāmeh,” Āyande 1: 1 (1925):5-8.

94. However, at least 20 years before the time of the composition of the articles cited here, this (often anti-intellectual) emphasis on sports and games in British public schools had come under increasingly heavy fire in England; see Mangan, Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School, Epilogue.

95. “Tarbiyat-i sarbāzī,” Mihrgān N°107 (1939-40); see also “Tārīkh-i paydāyishi varzish,” Āyandeh 1:11 (1925/26):655; “Tarbiyat-i Millī,” Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 2: 11 (1926–27): 578ff.; “Kujā mitavān barā-yi zandagānī āmādeh shud—dānishgāh va sarbāzkhāneh," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 27.4.1938. For the opposite argument (that the soldiers or even the whole population need to have "a strong body and a brave heart" in order to win battles), see “Aql-i salīm dar jism-i sālim," 550 (for soldiers); “Varzish va ṣarvat," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.11.1938 (for the connection between the health of the population as a whole and an army's chances of winning a war.) For the continuously increasing links between 'organized sports'-'militarized pathfinders' and 'army' at least as perceived by Jordan, the head of the (Presbyterian) Alburz College in Tehran in the later 1930s, see Zirinsky, “A Panacea for the Ills of the Country," 133.

96. "Tarbiyat-i Millī,” Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 2: 2-3 (1926-27): 106 (citation), 2: 6 (1926-27): 291-93 (citations) and 2: 7 (1926–27): 349ff. In the article, Le Bon's attack on the French and other Latin races was used; "self-discipline” was printed in English (350).

97. "Tarbiyat-i Millī," N°1; Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 2: 2–3 (1926-27): 108 (citation), also 107–10, idem, N°2 Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 2: 6 (1926–27): 289, and idem, N°3 Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 2: 7 (1926–27): 349ff.

98. Concerning the same argument about some 'new' characteristics which have to be accepted and some which have to be rejected, see "Tamaddun va ᶜavāṭif-i akhlāqi," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25 and 27.9.1928; “Qubūl-i ᶜādāt-i jadīd,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 3.12.1933; “Rūḥiyya va akhlāq," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 28.9.1934; "Bānuvān dar zandagi-yi naw," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 30.1.1936; Regarding worries about European immorality and assertions of Iranian superior morality, see “Maᶜārif va arkān-i sih gāneh-yi an," Īrānshahr 2: 8 (1924): 449; “Ḥaqīqat-i akhlāq," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 14.8.1929.

99. This argument found its first coherent form in the later nineteenth century as a call to reject a blind acceptance of Western culture as part and parcel of imported 'universal' science/technology/discipline, although Iranian culture mostly was not seen as distinct from Islam. These historical roots are treated by Monica Ringer's analysis of reform-minded Iranians' understanding of Europe as a model but also as a political and cultural threat. (See Ringer, Monica M., Education, Religion and the Discourse of Cultural Reforms in Qajar Iran (Costa Mesa,, 2001) 170.Google Scholar)

100. Compare Prakash's book on India (Prakash, G., Another Reason. Science and the Imagination of Modern India (Princeton, 1999]CrossRefGoogle Scholar: esp. 6, 57, 62, 76ff., 84, 89ff. 118, 201. There were many personalities of the Islamic period who were admired (e.g. Firdawsi), but normally, they were constructed as saviors and revivers of old Iran, or their 'genius' was seen as an expression of their Iranian-ness rather than their Muslim-ness-in both cases, Iranian-ness and Muslim-ness were seen as two separate identities.

101. “Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2: 6 (1921):3. Further articles on Ancient Iran: “Bāzīhā-yi Irāni," Taᶜlīm va Tarbiyat 4: 11 (1934–35): 641-49; “Yakī az ᶜavāmil-i muhimm-i taraqqī-yi ijtimāᶜī, yā pīshāhangi va tarbiyat-i badanī," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 19.8.1937; “Varzish-i bāstāni," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.Shahrivar 1318s.

102. “Tarbiyat-i Millī va badanī dar Shāhnāmeh," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 17.3.1938; cf. “Tarbiyat-i jismānī,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 1: 6 (1925): 25–27.

103. "Varzish dar madāris tawsiᶜa miyābad,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 27.2.1934/8.Esfand 1312.

104. “Varzish-i Īrān-i qadīm va jadīd,” Nāmeh-yi Shahrbānī 1: 10 (1935–36): 42

105. "Asrār-i tamaddun," Kāveh 2: 6 (1921): 3; the comments on Taqizādeh's thoughts on free and pre-destined will, respectively, are taken from Vatandoust, Sayyid Hasan Taqizādah and Kaveh, 140ff.; cf. “Bāzīhā-yi Irānī,” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 4: 11 (1934–5): 642.

106. See e.g. "Jashn-i varzishī-yi qadīm va jadīd dar Qum," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 10.10.1925; “Āzmāyish-i varzish-hā-yi qadīm," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 25.9.1934; “Namāyish-hā-yi pīshāhangān va varzishkārān-i pāitakht dar pīshgāh-i ᶜulyāḥażrat-i malika-yi nazlī va vālāḥażrat-i humāyūn-i valāyatᶜahd vālāḥażrat-i shāhzādeh khānum-i Fawziye,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 24.4.1939; “Ākharīn jashn-i musābaqa-yi fūtbāl,” Taᶜlīm va tarbiyat 4: 2 (1934–35): 115; "Chand manẓara az varzish-hā-yi qahrmānān-i Īrānī," Mihrgān 93 (1939–40): 8.

107. "Dar zūrkhānah," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 8.11.1938.

108. “Dar zūrkhānah,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 8.11.1938.

109. “Varzish va zībā˒ī,” Mihrgān 94 (1939–40): 3. Cf. “Ravish-i varzish-i Irān," Āmūzish va Parvarish 9: 7–8 (1939–49): 16ff., and "Tarbiyat-i badanī va ahammiyyat-i ān az naẓar-i ḥirfa va shughl” Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 7:3 (1937–38): 161.

110. On methodology and/or connection with other sciences see Qavānīn va muqarrarāt marbūṭ bi-muᶜārif va madāris, 1307–1308 (1928–30) (Tehran):107ff. (830); "Jalādat va shahāmat dar natīja -yi āmūzish va varzish,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 28.10.1939 (6 Āban 1318); “Tarbiyat-i badanī va ahammiyyat-i ān az naẓar-i ḥirfa wa shughl”; Taᶜlim va Tarbiyat 7: 3 (1937-38): 161; "Ravesh-i varzish-i Irān," Āmūzish va Parvarish 9: 7-8 (1939-40): 16ff., “Varzish va zībā˒ī," Mihrgān 94 (1939/40): 3. On physiology: "Sutūn-i varzish—varzish dar naẓar-i țabīb,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 27.10.1935; “ᶜIlāj-i tang-i nafs," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 26.10.1938; “Chihgūneh mitavān tandurust būd?," Iṭṭilāᶜāt 8.4.1939; "Sukhanrānī-yi hijdahum, 10 Farvardin 1319, 231ff.

111. For the direct association of the zūrkhānah with the lower class lūṭīs, called "urban social bandits," see Willem Floor, "The Political Role of the Lutis in Iran," in Michael Bonine, E. and Keddie, Nikki, eds., Modern Iran. The Dialectics of Continuity and Change (Albany, 1981), 85Google Scholar, 87ff., 92.

112. Compare G. Prakash on the Indian middle class's attempt to redefine and monopolistically claim to have knowledge about the true Indian culture; Prakash, Another Reason, 76ff., citation 6.

113. “Dar zūrkhānah,” Iṭṭilāᶜāt 8.11.1938, my italics.

114. Cf. Trenter, Sport, Economy, and Society in Britain, ch. 4: “A conspiracy of elites?," on Britain. See also Aloob on how the Iranian social novel of that time reflects this situation of class distinctions; A. M. Aloob, The Persian Social Novel from 1900-1941 (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1988), 46, 120, 141. These questions about the relation between production, reproduction, and lifestyle, both on 'real' and 'normative' levels, make the Iranian case highly relevant for present-day wider theoretical discussion about definitions, modes, and developments of classes, influenced by the linguistic and cultural turns of the last twenty years. See M.R. Somers, “Deconstructing and Reconstructing Class Formation Theory: Narrativity, Relational Analysis, and Social Theory," in J.R. Hall, ed., Reworking Class (Ithaca 1997):73–105; Kalb, Expanding Class, Introduction and the footnotes for the extended bibliography; Dean, M., Critical and Effective Histories, Foucault's Methods and Historical Sociology (London, 1994)Google Scholar, esp. ch. 8: “Thematics of state and power;" L. Hunt, "Introduction: History, Culture, and Text” and P. O'Brien, “Michel Foucault's History of Culture," both in Hunt, L., ed., The New Cultural History (Berkeley, 1989), 1-22Google Scholar and 25–46 respectively. However, since this is not the place for an extended analysis of the material for class theory, I would merely like to suggest that the importance of productivity, industrialization, work, and energy observed here may contribute to a new twist on definitions of class broadly in terms of 'modes of life', i.e. culture. In other words, it could help to define new relations with the concept of ‘mode of production', creating an amalgam which despite its contingent nature, i.e. its link to the colonial situation and the specific characters of different regions in Iran, would be suggestive for broader theoretical and comparative perspectives.

115. Ehlers and Floor, "Urban Change in Iran," 271.

116. Ashraf, “Roots,” 5.

117. Cf. Floor, “The Political Role of the Lutis," 92