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Persian Sufism in its Historical Perspective

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

Extract

The eight sections of the present essay are drawn from the lectures I delivered at Princeton University and at the University of California, Los Angeles, in 1969-1970. Because of the diverse nature of the audience I did not go into the details that would be necessary in a new approach to a traditional problem. Instead, my principal aim was to present a brief sketch of the contents of what may be called Persian mysticism, while showing at the same time the remarkable role that this variety of Islamic mysticism has played in the cultural development of Persia.

The origins of Sufism—as Islamic mysticism is generally called—presents a very controversial problem indeed, but that Persia was the cradle of early Sufism is beyond doubt. Moreover, if mysticism is taken to be—as it usually is—an expression of man's belief in direct connection with the godhead, the well-known ethical concepts of the Zoroastrians—for whom every particular deed of daily life, good or bad, is the joint product of man and either the principle of Good or of Evil—might also be considered as unconscious expressions of a pantheistic type of mysticism.

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Research Article
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Copyright © Association For Iranian Studies, Inc 1970

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References

Notes

1. The text of this inscription has been rendered into English by Sprengling, M., Third Century Iran: Sapor and Kartīr (Chicago, 1953).Google Scholar See also de Menasce, J., Škand Gumānik Vičar: La solution décisive des doutes, text et tradution (Université de Fribourg en Suisse, 1945), pp. 242–43.Google Scholar

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3. Radloff, W., Aus Sibirien, Vol. II (Leipzig, 1893), pp. 20 ff.Google Scholar Further information on Siberian Shamanism may be found in Friedrich, A. and Budruss, G., Schamanengeschichten aus Sibirien (München, 1955)Google Scholar and Michael, H.N., Studies in Siberian Shamanism (Toronto, 1963).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Although as a religion, Shamanism almost ceased to exist, remnants of its rites and practices are still recognizable in popular magic and folk tales of India and Central Asia.

4. Büchner, V.G., “Shaman,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 4. pp. 302–03Google Scholar, finds no connection between the Persian Shaman and the idea of the sorcerer-priest among the Northeast Asian peoples, but the descriptions of shamanism in Persian poetry leave no doubt for me that they are identical. Persian poets like Rūdakī may have learned about such sorcerer-priests from Tungus slaves in the court of Bukhara.

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18. In Islam, this method of interpretation was largely used by Shi˓ites, the Ikhwān al-Ṣafā, philosophers, and Sufis who wished to bring Qur'anic revelation into agreement with their own tenets.

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26. Gibb, H.A.R., Mohammedanism (Oxford, 1949), p. 40.Google Scholar

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29. This was in particular the position of Muhammad b. Karrām, a Jurji'ite of the early Abbasid period whose views manifest some Sufi features. Cf. Laoust, H., Les schismes dans l'Islam (Paris, 1965), pp. 121–22.Google Scholar

30. Ibid., p. 29-30.

31. Cf. Goldziher, I., Muhammad and Islam (New Haven, 1917), pp. 99100.Google Scholar

32. He is said to have denied the mercifulness of God--as an attribute resembling human attributes--and in so doing he may be considered similar to the so-called wise fool mystics of Islam. He is reported (see Ritter, H., Muslim Mystics’ Strife with God,Oriens Vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 115)Google Scholar to have taken his disciples to visit lepers and other sufferers. He would then say, pointing to these people, “This was all done by the Most Merciful of Mercifuls.” Was this converted Persian still under the influence of his former creed, which attributed all these kinds of evils to the Devil? He is reputed to have been killed under suspicion of heresy.

33. Cf. Ritter, H., Der Islam Vol. XXI, pp. 183.Google Scholar

34. Laoust, op. cit., pp. 48-49.

35. Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, Mathnawī, Book IV, ed. and trans, by Nicholson, R.A., Gibb Memorial Series, New Series, IV (London, 1929), lines 1515-1519.Google Scholar

36. Ibn al-Nadīm, Kitāb al-Fihrist, ed. by Flūgel (Leipzig, 1871-2), p. 358.

37. Ibn al-Qifṭī, Tārīkh al-Ḥukamā’, ed. by J. Lippert (1903), p. 183.

38. Abū al-Ḥasan ˓Ali b. ˓Uthmān Hujwīrī, Kashf al-Maḥjūb trans and ed. by Nicholson, R.A., 2nd ed., Gibb Memorial Series, Vol. XVII (London, 1967), p. 47.Google Scholar

39. Farīd al-Dīn ˓Aṭṭār, Muslim Saints and Mystics (Tadhkirat al-Awlīyā’) trans by Arberry, A.J. (Chicago, 1966).Google Scholar

40. Hujwīrī, op. cit., p. 106.

41. Ibid., p. 163.

42. de Laugier de Beaurecueil, S., Khawādja ˓Abdullāh Anṣārī (Beirut, 1965), p. 66.Google Scholar

43. Huwīrī, op. cit., p. 163.

44. Furuzānfar, B., ed., Tarjumah-i Risālah-i Qushayriah (Tehran, 1345), pp. 129130Google Scholar, casts doubt on this point.

45. The recent work by Spencer Trimingham, J., The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar reached me too late for inclusion here. However, I refer interested students to it, and in particular to Professor Trimingham's comprehensive glossary of Sufi and Islamic terminology. Concerning the Shi'ite orders of Iran see: Grämlich, R., Die Schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens (Wiesbaden, 1965).Google Scholar

46. Arberry, A.J., “Sufism,Handbuch der Orientalistik, Abt. I: VIII Band: 2 abs. (Leiden and Köln, 1961), p. 465.Google Scholar

47. Gulistān, Chapter 2, Story 25.

48. For an English translation of his views on Sufism, see The Science of Sufism,The Muqaddima, Vol. 3, trans by Rosenthal, F. (New York, 1958), pp. 76102.Google Scholar

49. Algazel: Dogmática, moral y ascética (Saragossa, 1901), p. 101.Google Scholar

50. Ibid., p. 104.

51. Arberry, A.J., “The Biography of Shaikh Abū Isḥaq al-Kāzarūnī, Oriens, Vol. III (1950), pp. 163182.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

52. Bausani, A., “Religion under the Mongols,Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1968), p. 547.Google Scholar

53. For a more detailed discussion concerning the Shi˓ite development in Persian Sufism, see Molé, M., “Les Kurbrawiya entre Sunnisme et Shiisme,” Revue des Etudes Islamiques (1961), pp. 61142.Google Scholar

54. Schillinger, F.C., ed. Persianische und Ost-Indianische Reiseschreibung (Hamburg, 1710), p. 685.Google Scholar

55. Ma˓ṣūm Alī b. Raḥmat ˓Alī Ni˓mat-Allāhī al-Shīrāzī (Ma˓ṣūm Alishah), Ṭarā'iq al-Ḥaqā'iq, 2nd ed., ed. by M. Maḥjub (Tehran, 1339), p. 354.

56. Jāmī dedicated his Tuḥfat al-Aḥrār to Khwājah-i Aḥrār.

57. Rose, H.A., The Dervishes (London, 1927), p. 87;Google Scholar this is a new edition of Brown's, J.P. The Dervishes (Istanbul, 1868).Google Scholar

58. For a detailed account of these events see Malcolm, Sir John, The History of Persia, Vol. II (London, 1815), pp. 417–r22.Google Scholar

59. Rūmī, op. cit., Vol. I, line 1727.

60. Hujwīrī, op. cit., pp. 308-309.

61. ˓Irāqī, The Song of Lovers (˓Ushshāq-nāmah), ed. and trans, by Arberry, A.J., (London, 1939), pp. 3339.Google Scholar

62. Judaeus, Philo, On a Contemplative Life, in Works trans, by Youge, C.D. (London, 1855), Vol. 4, p. 3.Google Scholar

63. For further details, see Lewy, H., Sobria Ebrietas: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der antiken Mystik (Giessen: A. Töpelmann, 1929).Google Scholar

64. Arberry, A.J., The Mystical Poems of Ibn al-Fārid, pp. 8190.Google Scholar

65. Shabastarī, Shaykh Maḥmūd, Sharḥ-i Gulshan-i Rāz ed. by Whinfield, E.H. (London, 1880), pp. 42, 27, 29.Google Scholar

66. Browne, E.G., A Literary History of Persia (Cambridge, 1928), Vol. IV, p. 297. Pp. 284297Google Scholar contain both the complete text of Hātif's Tarji˓-band and Browne's translation of it.

67. Khwājah Abū Ibrāhīm Ismā˓īl b. Muḥammad Mustamlī Bukhārī, Sharḥ wa Tarjumah al-Ta˓rruf Limadhhab al-Taṣawwüf (Lucknow, 1933, 4 vols.Google Scholar

68. al-Munawwar, Muḥammad b., Asrār al-Tawḥīd fī Maqāmāt al-Shaykh Abi Sa˓īd (Tehran, 1934-5).Google Scholar

69. Maqāmāt-i Žandapil (Aḥmad-i Ğām); Persian text from 4th cent. by A.H. Sadid al-Din Muhammad Gaznavī, ed. by H. Moayyed, 1961.

70. Numerous editions, most recent (Tehran, 1340).

71. Muḥammad, Abū Bakr, known as Ibn al-˓Arabī, Al-Futūhāt al-Makkīyah, 2nd ed., Vol. II (Cairo, 1293), p. 275.Google Scholar

72. For cases see al-Mubārak, Ibn, Kitāb al-Zuhd (Indian edition, 1966), pp. 45.Google Scholar

73. Qushayrī, op. cit., p. 158.

74. Hujwīrī, op. cit., p.131.

75. Ibid., pp. 82-160.

76. Heinrich Heine, Die Stadt Lucca, Chap. IX. This prayer has also been voiced in Persian verse; see Sa˓dī, Būstān Chap. II; cf. the prayer of Suhrawardī, which has greater moral intensity than Rābi˓ah's.

77. For detailed descriptions of these rites, conslut the article “Hadjdj” in Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. II, 1st ed.

78. Hujwīrī, op. cit., p. 328.

79. For the case of Ḥiḍrimī, see Kubrā, Najm al-Dīn, Die Fawāih al-Jamāl wa Fawātiḥ al-Jalāl des Najm ad-Dīn Kubrā, ed. by Meier, F. (Wiessenbaden, 1957Google Scholar

80. For the Syriac text ana English translation of this account, see Brooks, E.W., “John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints III,Patrologia Orientalis, Vol. 19. pp. 164–79.Google Scholar

81. Abū ˓Abd al-Rahmān S lamī, Risalat al-Malāmatīyah, ed. by Abū al-˓Alāh ˓Afīfī as Al-Malāmatīyah wa al-Sūfīyah wa Ahl al-Futuwah (Cairo, 1945).Google Scholar

82. Furuzānfar, B., Sharḥ-i Mathnawī-i Sharīf (Tehran, 1347 A.H. Sol.), II, p. 735.Google Scholar

83. See the dialogue between this Nūḥ-i ˓Ayyār and the Sufi Shaykh Ḥamdūn al-Qaṣṣār in Hujwīrī, op. cit., pp. 183-84, where the ˓Ayyār takes what is very much a Malāmatī stand on the problem of gentlemanly behavior.

84. Ibid., p. 119.

85. Malcolm, op. cit., Vol.

86. See, for instance, Abū al-Ḥasan ˓Ali b. Zayd-i Bayhaqi, Tārīkh-i Bayhaq, ed. by Bahmanyar, A. (Tehran, 1317);Google Scholar ˓Izz al-Dīn Abū al-Ḥasan, known as Ibn al-Athīr, Al-Kāmil fī al-Tārikh, trans by Reinaud, J.T. and Defremery, C.F. into French as Extrait de la… Kamel, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades…Historiens Orientaux, tombs. I, 2, 4, 5 (Paris, 1872-);Google Scholar Lambton, A.K.S., Islamic Society in Persia (London, 1954).Google Scholar

87. Hujwīrī, op. cit., p. 66, which gives a detailed explanation of this saying.

88. ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt al-Hamadānī, Zubdat al-Haqā'iq, Ch. 17.

89. See Rhys Davids, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1911, pp. 200-01; cf. Abū Hayyān, Muqabasāt, p. 259, where the Arab thinker quotes this parable immediately following a reference to Plato.

90. ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt, op. cit., Ch. 61.

91. Ibn al-˓Arabī, op. cit., I, p. 70.

92. See Mathnawī, II, line 159; cf. Hāfiẓ, Dīwān, ghazāl no. 162.

93. ˓Azīz al-Nasafī, Kashf al-Ḥaqā'iq, Persian text ed. by A.M. Damghani (Tehran, 1965), p. 28.

94. See, for instance, 5:27, 2:97, 26:194.

95. 83:3.

96. Luke 16:15.

97. Gen. 6:6; cif. Ps. 32:11.

98. That the Hebrew leb (heart) was translated in later biblical writings alternately by the Greek words nous and kardia, to distinguish its rational and emotional aspects, was evidently a Hellenistic influence. To the average Semite, such distinctions remained unknown. For further details on the use of this concept in biblical writings, see Tresmontant, A Study of Hebrew Thought, pp. 83-124.

99. See, for instance, Les Pensées ed. by Brunschwicg, p. 459.

100. For more details on this esoteric interpretations, see al-Dīn Rāzī, Shaykh Najm, Mirsad al-˓Ibād (Tehran, 1312 A.H. Sol.) pp. 69.70;Google Scholar cf. ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt, Tamhīdāt, No. 342, where other interpretations are given as well.

101. Shabastarī, op. cit., p. 4.

102. Qushayrī, op. cit., p. 134; cf. passages quoted by F. Meier, Die Fawā'ih, p. 170.

103. Kubrā-Meier, Die Fawā'ih, op. cit., Nos. 14, 139.

104. For a detailed illustration of such a comparison, see al-Ghazzālī, Abū Ḥāmid, Mīzān al-˓Amal (Cairo, 1328), p. 109;Google Scholar cf. Smith, Margaret, Al-Ghazzali, The Mystic (London, 1944), p. 73.Google Scholar

105. A divine tradition often quoted by Sufis is usually related to support the latter statement. See, for example, Abū Naṣr ˓Abdallah b. ˓Alī al-Sarāj al-Tūsī, Al-Luma˓ fī al-Taṣawwuf, ed. by Nicholson, R.A. (Leiden, 1914), p. 594Google Scholar; and al-Ghazzalī, Iḥya˓Ulum al-Dīn (Cairo, 1272), 3:12.Google Scholar

106. See Ghazzālī, Iḥya, op. cit., ˓Ajā'ib al-Qalb, Bayan 10’ cf. Wensinck, A.J., La Pensée de Ghazâli (Paris, 1940), pp. 122125.Google Scholar

107. See, for instance, Kubrā, op. cit., No. 16.

108. Hujwīrī, op. cit., p. 369; cf. p. 367.

109. Ibid., p. 387.

110. Qushayrī, op. cit., p. 698.

111. See, for instance, Firdaws al-Murshidīyah, pp. 270, 474, 480, etc.

112. Rāzī, op. cit., pp. 160-65; and Shabastarī, op. cit., pp. 91, 96, 228, 368.

113. Upanishads IV, 3, 9-14.

114. See, for instance, A.J. Wensinck, “New Data Concerning Syriac Mystic Literature,” p. 25.

115. Hujwīrī, p. 245; cf. Mathnawī, II, 830, 1347.

116. For an illustrative example see the story of Shaykh Abū Sā˓id and Ḥasan Mu'addib in Asrar al-Tawhīd, op. cit., pp. 211-212.

117. See “Kitāb al-Sidq,” IRA, 1937.

118. Hujwīrī, op. cit., pp. 190-05.

119. For further details on this point see Shabastarī, op. cit., p. 461.

120. Gulistan, Ch. I, Story 10.

121. Gulistan, Ch. 7.

122. Mathnawī, I, 983-85.

123. Cf. Miftāḥ al-Nijāt, pp. 146-49.

124. See Tcheschovitch, O.D., Bukharskyj dokumenti XIV veka (Tashkent, 1965).Google Scholar

125. Hujwīrī, op. cit., p. 247.

126. See, for instance, Abūal-Ḥusayn al-Nūrī's view in Sarrāj, op. cit., p. 272.

127. See Sarrāj, op. cit., p. 288, quoted by Meier, F., Vom Wesen der islamischen Mystik (Basel, 1943), pp. 19, 49.Google Scholar

128. Sarrāj, op. cit., pp. 296-97.

129. Qur'an, 18:65-78.

130. See, for instance, Mathnawī I, 3191: V, 1899; cf. also I, 224, 237.

131. Cf., for example, Firdōs al-murshidiyya: Die vita des Scheichs Aub Isḥaq al-Kāzerūni, ed. by Meier, F. (Leipzig, 1948), pp. 340–41.Google Scholar

132. Munawwar, Muhammad b., Asrār al-Tawḥīd, ed. by Ṣafā, Z. (Tehran, 1332 A.H. Sol. ) , pp. 48, 93, 291.Google Scholar

133. Qur'an, 10:62.

134. See Tarā'iq al-Ḥaqā'iq, op. cit., p. 1171; cf. Hujwīrī, op. cit., pp. 220-35; Wensinck, A.J., Muslim Creed, Its Genesis and Historical Development (Cambridge, 1932), p. 226.Google Scholar

135. See Abū al-Mughīth al-Ḥusayn b. Manṣūr (al-Ḥallāj), Kitāb al-Tawāsīn, ed. by Massignon, L. (Paris, 1913), pp. 172–73.Google Scholar

136. Mathnawī, I: 1246-7; cf. also index.

137. See Ibn al-˓Arabī, op. cit., I: 307; IV: 615.

138. Mathnawī, II: 2642-3.

139. Kitāb al-Tawāsīn, op. cit., IV: 24.

140. Ibid., pp. 20-22; cf. ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt, op cit., No. 288.

141. See al-Jawzī, Ibn, al-Muntaẓam fī Tārikh al Mulūk wa al-Umam (Haydarabad, 1359), Vol. 9, p. 261.Google Scholar

142. See ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt, op. cit., p. 283.

143. See Lescot, R., Enquēte sur les yasidis de Syrie et du Djebel Sinjar (Beirut, 1938), pp.51 ff.Google Scholar

144. Cf. Mathnawī, II: 2645-9.

145. See Hujwīrī, op. cit., p. 213.

146. See Avicenna, Kitāb al-Ishārāt wa al-Tanlūhāt trans, into French by Goichon, A.M. (Paris, 1951), pp. 503–06, 519-20.Google Scholar

147. Ibn Khaldūn, op. cit., Quatremere ed., Arabic text I: 109, 199.

148. See “Kitāb Batanjal al-Hindī,” ed. by H. Ritter, Oriens 1956, Vol. IX, p. 199.

149. For further details, see D.S. Margoliouth, “Panj Pir,” Encyclopedia of Islam.

150. See Muhammad b. Ismā˓īl al Bukhārī, Salāt, bābs 48, 52, 54; Janā'iz, bāb 62; and several others mentioned by Taymīyah, Ibn, Contributions à une Etude de la Methodologie Canonique, trans, by Laoust, H. (Cairo, 1939).Google Scholar

151. Firdōs al-Murshidiyya, op. cit., Ch. 40.

152. For illustrations see the accounts of travels and missions of Abu Isḥāq Shīrēzi and Shihāb al-Dīn Suhrawardī in various places in the Near East.

153. See Sarrāj, op. cit., pp. 323-25.

154. See, for instance, Tirmidhī, Khatm al-Awlīya’, ed. by Yahya, U. (Beirut, 1965), pp. 116216.Google Scholar

155. Kubrā, op. cit., No. 167.

156. Lāhījī, Sharḥ-i Gulshan-i Rāz, ed. by K. Samī˓ī (Tehran, 1337 A.H. Sol.) p. 441.

157. See Hujwīrī, op. cit., p. 213.

158. Ibid., p. 236; cf. ˓Azīz al-Nasafī, op. cit., p. 80.

159. Ibid.

160. Qur'an, 18:64-82.

161. See Sarrāj, op. cit., pp. 422-24.

162. Ibid., p. 423.

163. Hujwīrī, op. cit., pp. 236-37.

164. Sarraj, loc. cit.

165. See ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt, Zubdah, op. cit., Ch. 61; cf. Ch. 68.

166. Tirmidhī, op. cit., p. 361; cf. Ghazzālī, Ihya, op. cit., III: 25.

167. Tadhkirat al-Awlīyā’, op. cit., I, pp. 88-90.

168. Ibid., II, pp. 91-93.

169. Hujwīrī, op. cit.. 153.

170. See Awrād al-Aḥbāb, II, pp. 339-40.

171. Dārā Shukūh, Safinah (Tehran, 1965), pp. 160-61.

172. W. Barthold, Turkistan down to the Mongol Invasion, tr. in Gibb Memorial Series, V., 2nd ed. (1928), pp. 75-176.

173. Concerning the possibility that his wife was perhaps the beneficiary of that privilege, see his autobiography, Kitāb Khatm, where she is supposed to receive a gem (nigīn = the seal) from God together with the knowledge of the “formers” and the “latters” (ulūm-i awwalīn wa akhirīn).

174. Cf. Ibn Khaldūn, op. cit., III, p. 137.

175. See Nasafī, op. cit., p. 315.

176. See Lāhījī, op. cit., p. 315.

177. See Ḥaj Mullā Sulṭān, Wilayat-Nāmah, pp. 23-25.

178. See, for instance, Deut. 32:21; Ps. 13:1, 52:2; cf. Job 30:8; Isa. 32:5, Sir. 50:28.

179. See Ibn al-˓Arabī, op. cit., I, Ch. 44.

180. See Loosen, P., Zeitschrift für Assyrologie, Vol. 27, 1912, pp. 196201.Google Scholar

181. Cf. Asrār al-Tawhīd, op. cit., index.

182. Widengren, M., Orientalia Suecana, Vol. 2 (1953), pp. 41Google Scholar; cf. Mole, M., Les mystiques musulmans, (Paris, 1965), p. 12.Google Scholar

183. B. Furūzānfar, Sharḥ-i Ahwāl-i ˓Aṭṭār, p. 68; cf. Ritter, H., Das Meer der Seele, Mensch Welt und Gott in Den Geschichten des Fariduddin ˓Attar (Leiden, 1955), pp. 159180.Google Scholar

184. See ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt, Tamhīdāt, op. cit., p. 189; cf. Nāṣir Khusraw, Dīwān, p. 364.

185. Pages from Kitāb al-Luma˓ of Abu Naṣr al-Sarrāj, ed. by A.J. Arberry (London, 1947), pp. 6-7. Cf. 26, 30.

186. Akhbar al-Ḥallāj, 3rd ed., No. 38; cf. 10, 36.

187. Qur'an 10:32; 20:114.

188. See Lāhījī, op. cit., p. 87.

189. See Mathnawī, II: 2321-2

190. For a concise survey of these theological proofs concerning the existence of God see Wensinck, A.J., “Les preuves de l'existence de Dieu dans la theologie musulmane,Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie (Amsterdam, 1936).Google Scholar

191. See Shastarī, op. cit., p. 87.

192. al-Dīn Mawlawī, Mawlānā Jalāl, Fī mā Fīh, ed. by Furūzānfar, B. (Tehran, 1330), p. 92.Google Scholar

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195. Ibn Sīnā, op. cit., pp. 371-72.

196. For more details on this comparison see Qayṣarī's introduction in the commentary to the Ta'īyat al-Kubrā, quoted by ˓Uthmān Yahyā, ed., in Khatm al-Awliya, op. cit., Appendix 492.

197. Qur'an, 10:20.

198. Ibid., 2:3.

199. See, for instance, correspondences between ˓Abd al-Razzāq-i Kāshānī and ˓Alā’ al-Dawla-i Simnānī, in ˓Abd al-Raḥmān Jāmī, Kitāb Nafaḥāt al-Uns, ed. by Tawḥīdīpūr, M. (Tehran, 1919).Google Scholar

200. For a further discussion of this theory see Aḥmad, Burhān, The Mudjaddid's Concept of Tawḥīd, (Lahore, 1940).Google Scholar

201. For al-Ḥallāj's remarks on this point, see Kitāb al-Ṭawāsīn, op. cit., pp. 129-141; cf. pp. 78, 198-199.

202. See Akhbār al-Hallāj, No. 50.

203. See Sarrāj, op. cit., p. 384.

204. Dīwān, ghazal No. 1.

205. Gulistān, introductory chapter.

206. Ibn al-˓Arabī, Futūḥāt, op. cit., as quoted by Fleischer in Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts in the Leipzig University Library, p. 493.

207. See the discussion in Sarrāj, op. cit., p. 70; and ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt, Tamḥīdāt, op. cit., p. 98.

208. For a concise study of the pre-Islamic background of the Qur'anic concept of fear, see Ringgren, H., “Die Gottesfurcht im Koran,Orientalia Sueccana, Vol. III. pp. 24.Google Scholar

209. Munawwar, op. cit., p. 274.

210. Qur'an, 65:95; 69:51; 102:5, 7.

211. For further details on this point, consult Rāzī, op. cit., Ch. 3, 5, 7, 8.

212. Shaykh Aḥmad Sirhindī, Maktūbāt, No. 43.

213. Mathnawī V, preface.

214. See, for details, Miftāh al-Nijāt, Ch. 5.

215. See Kubrā, op. cit., No. 39.

216. Risālat al-Safinah, quoted by F. Meier in Fawaih, op. cit, p. 282.

217. See Akhbār al-Ḥallāj, No. 45.

218. ˓Ayn al-Quḍāt, Tamḥīdāt, op. cit., No. 370.

219. Shabastarī, op. cit., verses 872-73.

220. Akhbār al-Hallāj, op. cit.

221. Elliot, Sir Charles, Hinduism and Buddhism, Vol. II (London, 1921), p. 265.Google Scholar

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