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The Jester and the Shadow of God: Nasir al-Din Shah and His Fools

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

Vanessa Martin
Vanessa Martin*
Affiliation:
University of London
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Abstract

This paper will discuss the role of the jesters at the court of Nasr al-Din Shah, with more particular reference to Karim Shire′i, whose humor gained a lasting place in popular memory. It will look at the jesters in the context of their essential role, to remind the king that he was human. This poses a number of questions with regard to who the jester was and how he carried out his function. First, there is the question of the relationship between the Shah and jester, the degree to which it could become personal and why. Second, the paper will look at the jester's identity and the way it is defined by his relationship with the Shah. Third, it will consider the jester's relationship with the court as a whole and his function within a strictly related hierarchical environment. All of these required that the jester constantly maintain a delicate and sometimes dangerous balance, which could only be carried out by one who inherently possessed a particular kind of wit. Consideration will be given as to what the jester represented both to the court and to the public, specifically with reference to the widely held concept of the wise fool, and its religious implications. This relates to the issue of ‘innocence,’ (‘the mad have cast upon their tongues words from the unseen’) whether natural or assumed and its purpose in allowing freedom to the jester to draw the ruler's attention to unpalatable truths. Further points to explore are the relationship between the jester and chaos in an ordered environment and how far the jester pressed the boundaries, or even exerted political influence, and how far his function was in fact conservative and destined to help preserve the existing order. Last, the paper will look at the origins of the court jesters as far as they are known and consider their implications for the rise of these individuals. It will attempt to establish if each was characterized by a particular kind of buffoonery by comparing and contrasting them. In particular, the jokes attributed to Karim Shire'i will be discussed both in terms of how far it is possible to identify him as their author with any certainty and how far they may be considered as constituting a genre of humor. Finally, the legacy of this humor within the popular memory will be assessed.

Type
Research Article
Information
Iranian Studies , Volume 40 , Issue 4: Entertainment in Qajar Persia , September 2007 , pp. 467 - 481
Copyright
Copyright © The International Society for Iranian Studies 2007

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References

1 This article is similar to the one published in Qajar Studies, vol. VI (2006) 98–111, but with some additions, particularly on the subjects of Karim Shire'i's faramushkhana, and his baqalbazi dar huzur.

2 Billington, S., A Social History of the Fool (Brighton, 1984), 16–17Google Scholar.

3 Otto, B.K., Fools are Everywhere. The Court Jester around the World (Chicago, 2001), 33–35Google Scholar.

4 Southworth, J., Fools and Jesters at the English Court (London, 1998), 1–2Google Scholar.

5 Welsford, E., The Fool, His Social and Literary History (London, 1935)Google Scholar.

6 Otto, Fools, xvi.

7 Otto, Fools, xx.

8 Otto, Fools, 165.

9 Otto, Fools, 97.

10 Nurbaksh, H., Dalqakha-yi mashhur-i darbari (Tehran, 2535sh.), 24Google Scholar.

11 Lughatnama-yi Dihkhuda, Daura-yi jadid, 1st ed., (Tehran, 1373), 9716.

12 Quoted in Nurbaksh, Dalqakha, 27; Otto, Fools, 104.

13 Daulatshah, Tazkirat al-Shu'ara, quoted in Zakani, ‘Ubaid, “The Ethics of the Aristocrats” and Other Satirical Works, trans. Javadi, H., Middle Eastern Series II, (Piedmont, CA, 1985): 10Google Scholar, referenced in Otto, Fools, 75.

14 Otto, Fools, 83-4, and 111, the latter quoting Shah, Idries, The Exploits of the Incomparable Mulla Nasrudin (London, 1983), 7Google Scholar.

15 Otto, Fools, 24.

16 Bamdad, M., Sharh-i hal-i rijal-i Iran dar qarn 12,13,14 hijri (Tehran, 1347) I: 396Google Scholar. It should be noted, however, that they also existed earlier. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Ouseley encountered a buffoon in the company of Ja'far Khan, Governor of Bushehr. See Ouseley, W., Travels in Various Countries of the East More Particularly Persia (London, 1819) I: 184Google Scholar.

17 See for example, I'timad al-Saltana, Muhammad Hasan Khan, Ruznama-yi khatirat-i I'timad al-Saltana, ed. Afshar, I. (Tehran, 1377), 821Google Scholar, 955.

18 For Shaikh Issa, see I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 614, al-Saltana, ‘Ain, Ruznama-yi khatirat-i ‘Ain al-Saltana, eds. Salur, M. and Afshar, I. (Tehran, 1374) I: 150Google Scholar; Mahdi Khan Kashi, I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 677, 720; Shaqal al-Daula, I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 1058, and ‘Ain al-Saltana, Ruznama, 541, call him Shaqal al-Daula, but Bamdad, Rijal, I: 400, calls him Shaqal al-Mulk; Shaikh Kurna, Bamdad, Rijal, I: 400.

19 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 97, 123, 201, 504, 507.

20 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 163, 924.

21 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 192, 443, 452, 456, 464, 591, 600, 602, 720, 721, 727.

22 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 231, 384, 589, 591, 612, 624, 684.

23 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 821, 890, 891, 946, 955, 956, 1058. According to Bamdad, Rijal, 394, he was acting till the reign of Ahmad Shah.

24 Nurbaksh, H., Karim Shire'i dalqak-i mashhur-i darbar-i Nasir al-Din Shah, 2nd ed. (Tehran, 1346), 33Google Scholar.

25 Nurbaksh, Karim Shire'i, 33. Bamdad, Rijal, I: 396–7.

26 Mustawfi, Abdullah, Sharh-i zindigani-yi man ya tarikh-i ijtima 'i va idari-yi daura-yi Qajariyya, 2nd edition, (Tehran, n.d.) I: 359Google Scholar.

27 Dust Khan, ‘Ali, al-Mamalik, Mu'ayir, Yaddashtha 'i az zindigani khususi-yi Nasir al-Din Shah, Nashr-i Tarikh-i Iran, 1st edition, (Tehran, 1361), 59Google Scholar. Nurbaksh, Karim Shire 'i, 31–32.

28 Nurbaksh, Karim Shire 'i, 38.

29 Nurbaksh, Karim Shire 'i, 38.

30 Mustawfi, Zindigani, I: 359.

31 Mustawfi, Zindigani, I: 361.

32 Mustawfi, Zindigani, I: 361. For an example of his performing before the Shah with his group of entertainers, see Shah, Nasir al-Din, Yaddashtaha-yi ruznama-yi Nasir al-Din Shah, ed. Badi'i, P. (Tehran, 1378), 483Google Scholar.

33 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 231, 384, 591; Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 361.

34 Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 361. Bamdad says that Isma'il Bazzaz was originally a child servant in the house of the Shah's full sister, ‘Izzat al-Dawla, but was removed from there by his father when he was twelve or so because of ‘what his eyes would see and his ears would hear’. Of this he used to joke, ‘What do my eyes see and my ears hear now?’ Bamdad, Rijal, I: 398. Another version of his rise to fame and fortune is that he was a young Isfahani who by chance came upon a performance in the coffeehouse of the Bagh-i Ilchi, where shows were normally performed. In the middle of the show, he began to join in with the players. He improvised so skilfully that those present thought he was part of the show. From then on, he played in that coffeehouse. He was in the group of Husain ‘Ali, who, in those days, was the leader of the jesters and musicians of Tehran, and so he rose to prominence. Baigi, M. Hasan, Tehran-i qadim (Tehran, 1368), 347Google Scholar. Bulookbashi, A., Qahvakhanaha-yi Iran (Tehran, 1375), 120Google Scholar.

35 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 97.

36 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 123.

37 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 507.

38 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 201, 504, 507.

39 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 192, 443, 600. For more on his relations with Amin al-Sultan, see 452, 456, 591, 602.

40 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 821. Clerical jesters were also found in other countries. See Otto, Fools, 171–3 for examples for Italy and Germany.

41 Mustawfi says that he performed frequently at weddings, and his own first encounter with Shaikh Shaipur took place on such an occasion. He heard a very loud voice saying, ‘Oh, aunt wolves and aunt hags, (ay ‘ameh gurgiha, ay ajuziha), hurry up!’ and wondered who could address respected ladies in such a fashion. Zindigani, I: 347–8. Shaipur means trumpet.

42 Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 348; Bamdad says that he had the title of Amin al-‘Ulama, Bamdad, Rijal, I: 394.

43 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 821, 955; Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 348.

44 Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 348; Bamdad, Rijal, I: 395.

45 Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 361. Bamdad, Rijal, 400. However, despite the solemnity of the end of his life, he was always remembered by the people as one who had put a smile on their faces, Hasan Baigi, Tehran, 347–8.

46 See Otto, Fools, 2.

47 See I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 504, where he says Habib Divana spoke wisdom in the language of madness in the presence of the Shah.

48 See, for example, I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 384, 443, 591.

49 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 3 Rabi' I 1308, 721.

50 Hadayat, Mahdi Quli, al-Saltana, Mukhbir, Khatirat va khatarat (Tehran, 1375), 38Google Scholar. According to Mukhbir al-Saltana, Karim said, ‘Bara-yi in kar alat-i makhsus lazim nist, khayeh dar garma avizan mishavad va dar sarma jam.’

51 Bamdad, Rijal, I: 394–5.

52 Tanpush-i mubarak was the name given by the notables to the Shah's clothes, which they occasionally received both as a present and as a mark of honor.

53 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 2 Rajab 1300, 231. It would seem that the Count, as a foreigner, escaped the Shah's ire, and the blow fell on his official.

54 ‘Ain al-Saltana, Ruznama, 5 Sha'ban 1312, 689.

55 Bamdad, Rijal, I: 394.

56 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 23 Shavval 1304, 507. I'timad al-Saltana, by contrast with previous remarks on this jester, was full of admiration for his boldness and vowed to write his biography.

57 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 21 Jamadi I 1299, 163.

58 Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 359–60; Nurbaksh, Dalqakha, 37–8, citing Baiza'i, B., Namayish dar Iran (Tehran, 1344), 56Google Scholar.

59 Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 360.

60 Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 360; Nurbaksh, Karim Shire'i, 215–221. The expression endured and Mukhbir al-Saltana refers to it in Khatirat va khatarat, 395; A.A. Dihkhoda lists and explains this expression, in Amsal va hikam, 9th ed. Tehran 1347, II: 733; Lughatnama-yi Dihkhuda, VI: 8518 comments that the expression means to close someone's tongue with a bribe, to bribe.

61 Mustaufi, Zindigani, I: 360; Mirza, Sultan Ahmad, al-Daula, ‘Azud, Tarikh-i ‘Azudi, ed. Nava'i, A.H., (Tehran, 1376), 272–3Google Scholar.

62 Apparently, Sahib Ikhtiar never gave Karim Shire'i bribes and exhorted others not to do so, Nurbaksh, Karim Shire 'i, 90–91. Nurbaksh gives an expanded version of this story, according to which Nasir al-Din Shah laughed and said to Sahib Ikhtiar at the end, ‘It is obvious you have not put a shoe on Karim's donkey.’

63 Literally Society of Forgetfulness, but basically a form of Freemasonry.

64 For Malkum Khan's use of Freemasonry for the advancement of reform, see Algar, H., Religion and State in Iran, 1785–1906 (Berkeley, 1969), 185–187CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and also Mirza Malkum Khan (Berkeley, 1973), 37–49.

65 In fact, many members were students or graduates of the Dar al-Funun technical college and went on to play a leading role in the intellectual and political life of Iran, Algar, Malkum Khan, 49.

66 One of Nasir al-Din's stratagems for undermining freemasonry was to have it portrayed as scandalous and shameful. It is thought that an anonymous work on the subject, Rapurt-i shakhsi ki dau darija az faramushkhana-ra tayy karda ast, Ketabkhaneh-yi Melli, Tehran, no. 1397 (quoted in Algar, Malkum Khan, 43) was written with the Shah's encouragement. It stated that the secrecy associated with Malkum Khan's faramushkhana ‘derived primarily from the shame of the initiates in the degrading acts they committed … Men began by desiring to learn a secret which had been an object of curiosity for many years, and once inside the faramushkhana, were compelled to silence by embarrassment and regret’.

67 Bamdad, Rijal, I: 397–8.

68 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 21 Dhul al-Hajja 1305, 589.

69 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama,11 Ramadan 1313, 1058.

70 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama,14 Rajab 1306, 624.

71 I'timad al-Saltana, Ruznama, 7 Muharram 1306, 591.

72 Nurbaksh, Karim Shire'i, 369–408 gives the text and discusses it, explaining that this play is anonymous and undated. It was first introduced in a pamphlet for teaching the history of the theatre in 1938 by Sayyid ‘Ali Nasr, principal and lecturer at the College of Drama in Tehran. The text was subsequently published in Majalla-yi Hollywood in 1944 by Amir Mu'iz. However, it is not complete as the journal was discontinued, so the last part was never published. The play is in four sections and was purportedly performed by Karim Shire'i and three other players.

73 Tahvildar, 87, mentioned in Nurbaksh, Karim Shire 'i, 409–410.

74 In my opinion, the text of this play contains elements which could undoubtedly date from the late nineteenth century and originate with Karim Shire'i. However, conceptually some parts could belong to a later period, and the text as it stands could have evolved over time.

75 I'timad al-Saltana, 12 Jamadi I 1307, 677. Unfortunately, there is not the evidence to say how far this was novel practice.

76 Nasir al-Din Shah, Yaddashtaha, 15 Safar 1304, 529. His diary provides other evidence of men performing in other andaruns, for example Karim the Blind … playing the saz in the house of Na'ib al-Saltana, 15 Ramazan 1302, 170, and the group of Karim Kur (the Blind) and Mu'min Kur in the home of Zill al-Sultan, I Rabi' I 1303, 261.

77 Nasir al-Din Shah, Yaddashtaha, 13 Safar 1304, 527.

78 See Nurbaksh, Karim Shire'i, for the stories of jests attributed to him.