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¹³ The over-riding principle in the study by Bythell, for instance, is to emphasize the so-called transition from the “antiquated” domestic system to the “progressive” factory. he fails to realize that many domestic industries, in fact, expanded to serve the needs of industrialization. See Bythell, , Sweated Trades, passim.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Select Committee on the Sweating System (hereafter S.C.S.S.), Third Report, (P.P. 1889, XIII),Google Scholar QQ. 17, 645−7. See also Tawney, R.H., The Establishment of Minimum Rates in the Chainmaking Industry Under the Trade Boards Act of 1909 (London, 1914), p. 14.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ County Advertiser for Staffordshire and Worcestershire (hereafter C.A.), 5 08 1905.Google Scholar See, also, S.C.S.S., Third Report (P.P. 1889, XIII), QQ. 22,267–8.

¹⁷ See summary report of enquiries made in Cradley Heath, Public Record Office (hereafter P.R.O.), LAB2/I/TB 119/8/1925.

¹⁸ For illiteracy amongst the chainmakers, see R.C.L., P.P. 1892, XXXVI, Pt.1), QQ.17,253; 17,273−5.

¹⁹ Tawney, , Chainmaking, p.50.Google Scholar

²⁰ County Express for Worcestershir and Staffordshire(hereafter C.E.), 22 09 1910; 11 12. 1911.Google Scholar

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²⁴ See Forrest, N., “The Chain and Tracemakers of Cradley Heath and its Vicinity and their employers; or Union and Disunion, and their Consequences”, in Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science (1859), pp. 654–655.Google Scholar

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²⁶ C.A., 10 05 1890.Google Scholar See also, Taylor, E., “A Craft Society in the Age of General Unions.The Chainmakers' and Strikers' Association of Saltney, Pontypridd and Staffordshire, 1889–1914”, West Midland Studies, V (1972), p. 29.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ibid.

²⁸ C.A., 11 09. 1869; 2 10. 1869.Google Scholar

²⁹ The senior partner in the Amalgamation, the Chainmakers' and Strikers' Association, eschewed strikes, conserved its funds and remained ambivalent towards the growth of the Labour Party. The Association reached its peak of just over 2,000 members in 1922. By 1939, membership had slumped to 1,000. The M.C.T.F. shared the Chainmakers' and Strikers' attitude towards strikes and politics. This society reached its zenith of 19,500 members in 1900 and, by the late 1930s, had become increasingly insignificant in the industrial life of the Black Country (see Taylor, , “A Craft Society”, pp. 30–31,Google Scholar and Taylor, , “The Midland Counties Trades Federation”, pp. 32–39).Google Scholar

³⁰ For Mrs Besant's activities in Cradley Heath, see Baker, , “Richard Juggins”, p. 71,Google Scholar and Besterman, T., Mrs Annie Besant (London, 1934), p. 125.Google ScholarHyndman, H.M., leader of the Social Democratic Federation attended several chainmakers' meetings. See C.A., 28 03 1885.Google Scholar

³¹ S.C.S.S., Third Report (P.P. 1889,Google Scholar XIII), QQ. 18,090−2. Significantly. even in 1897, the Webbs thought the recommendationof a minimum wage an advanced proposition. See, S. and Webb, B., Industrial Democracy, II (London, 1897), p. 774.Google Scholar

³² S.C.S.S., Third Report (P.p. 1889, XIII), Q. 17,946.Google Scholar

³³ Ibid., QQ. 21, 636–769.

³⁴ Ibid., QQ. 18,023−4.

³⁵ R.C.L. (P.P. 1892, XXXVI, Pt. ), QQ.17,811−2.

³⁶ Ibid., Q. 17,254. See also S.C.S.S., Third Repon (P.P. 1889, XII), QQ. 18,203−4.

³⁷ R.C.L. (P.P. 1892, XXXVI, Pt.1), Q.17,254.

³⁸ Ibid., Q. 17.049.

³⁹ Ibid., Q. 17,253.

⁴⁰ Ibid., Q. 17,253. Particulars notes also had the added advantage that they could prove the worker was a creditor and not a debtor.

⁴¹ C.A., 25 07 1885.Google Scholar

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⁴³ The Walsall men believed that female competition had reduced the rates by 15 per cent. See Reports of the Commissioners Appointed to Inquire into the Working of the Factory and Workshops Acts With a View to their Consolidation and Amendment, (P.P. 1876, XXX), Q.5,693.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The Commissioners, in fact, reported “there is a good deal of natural irritation felt by the men on account of the depreciation of their labour by the competition of women.” Ibid., (P.P. 1876, XXIX), pp. lxxxii–lxxxiii.

⁴⁵ Hansard (Commons), 3rd ser. cciv, 16 05 1878, cols. 1−2. See also Hansard (Commons) 3rd ser. ccxxxviii, 7 03 1878, col. 882 and Hansard (Commons), 3rd ser. ccxxxiv, 9 04.1878, cols. 947−8.Google Scholar

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⁴⁹ Bigg, A.H., “Female Labour in the Nail Trade”, Fortnightly Review new ser. xxxix, p. 830. See also Broadhurst's remarks, Hansard (Commons), 3rd ser. cclxxix, 9 05 1883, col. 344.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ibid., col. 354.

⁵¹ Ibid., cols. 353−4.

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⁵⁶ Ibid., QQ. 18, 245−6. No. 1 gauge was iron as thick as a pencil. Nevertheless, John Burnett, the labour correspondent to the Board of Trade, found few women working on a larger size. Report as to the Condition of Nailmakers and Small Chain Makers in South Staffordshire and East Worcestershire (P.P. 1888, XCI), p. 45.

⁵⁷ R.C.L. (PP. 1892,Google Scholar XXXVI, Pt.l), Q. 17,114. Tawney, for example, found that of 579 women chainmakers interviewed in 1913, 70.6% (401) were married or widowed; and 29.4% (170) were unmarried. See Tawney, , Chainmaking, p.9.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid., Q. 17,140.

⁵⁹ C.E., 15 12 1888.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ R.C.L., (P.P. 1892, XXXVI, Pt. 1), QQ, 17,255, 17,259.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Tawney, , Chainmaking Industy, p. 23. See also, C.A., 3 01. 1888.Google Scholar

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⁷¹ C.A., 21 05 1904.Google Scholar See also, Hutchins, B.L. and Harrison, A., A History of Factory Legislation (London, 3rd edn. 1966), p. 219.Google Scholar

⁷² Ibid., p. 241. The career prospects of a sanitary inspector, moreover, did not attract first class recruits. According to Mess, the profession was a cul-de-sac. See Mess, H.A., Factory Legislation and its Administration, 1891 -1924 (London. 1926). p.6.Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ Thompson, E.P. and Yeo, E. (eds), The Unknown Mayhew (Harmondsworth, 1973), p.467.Google Scholar

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⁸⁶ Girls took up blowing when the coal trade was brisk and the supply of male labour was short. Ibid., QQ. 23,007; 23,132. Hoare, in fact, maintained that he had seen more indecency, with regards dress, in London theatre stalls than in chainmaking workshops! Ibid., QQ. 20,247; 23,010.

⁸⁷ Ibid., Q. 21,110. Bassano succinctly summarized the middle-class attitude when he stated that, in view of the chainmakers' crowded dwelling places, it was a miracle that they were as moral as they were. Ibid., Q 22,744.

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⁹⁶ See Tawney, , Chainmaking Industry, p. 25.Google Scholar By this date, both Noah Forrest and Richard Juggins were dead, and Thomas Homer had left the district in 1902 (see C.A., 30 05 1908, and 1 03 1902). Leadership of the men's unions passed to Thomas Sitch aided by his third son, Charles Sitch.Google Scholar

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⁹⁸ Tawney, , Chainmaking Industry, p. 25.Google Scholar Earlier attempts to organise the women into the Women's Trade Union League had failed because of the men's attitude to married female labour (see C.A., 19 10. 1889). The N.F.W.W. was formed on the model of a general labour union, membership being open to all women in unorganised trades, or not admitted by men into their appropriate union.Google Scholar

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¹⁰¹ C.E., 10 04 1909.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁷ See P.R.O. LAB2/1618/TBIA1593/Pts.2 and 3; C.A., 4 02. 1928.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁹ Ibid., 19 July 1913.

¹²⁰ League of Nations Union, Towards Industrial Peace (London, 1927), p. 43.Google Scholar

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