¹ See Sugrue, Thomas, “The Structure of Urban Poverty: The Reorganization of Space and Work in Three Periods of American History”, in Katz, Michael B. (ed.), Vie “Underclass” Debate: Views from History (Princeton, 1993), pp. 85–117Google Scholar; idem, “Crabgrass-Roots Politics: Race, Rights, and the Reaction against Liberalism in the Urban North, 1940–1964”, Journal of American History, 82 (1995), pp. 551–578; idem, “‘Forget Your Inalienable Right to Work’: Deindustrialization and Its Discontents at Ford, 1950–1953”, International Labor and Working-Class History, 48 (1995), pp. 112–130.

² Griffith, Robert, “Forging America's Postwar Order: Domestic Politics and Political Economy in the Age of Truman”, in Lacey, Michael J. (ed.), The Trwnan Presidency (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 57–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth, Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism, 1945–60 (Urbana, 1994)Google Scholar; Liechtenstein, Nelson, The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit: Walter P. Reuther and the Fate of American Labor (New York, 1995), pp. 226–240Google Scholar.

³ Griffith, Barbara S., The Crisis of American Labor: Operation Dixie and the Defeat of the CIO (Philadelphia, 1988), p. 77Google Scholar.

⁴ Bodnar, John, Simon, Roger and Weber, Michael P., Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians, and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900–1960 (Urbana, 1982), p. 62Google Scholar.

⁵ Joseph Bazdar to Thomas Shane, 9 March 1950, Folder 21, Box 3, Records of the United Steelworkers of America (USWA), Civil Rights Department, Historical Collections and Labor Archives, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA.

⁶ Sam Camens to Thomas Shane, 10 March 1950, ibid.

⁷ United Steelworkers of America, Committee on Civil Rights, Steelworkers Fight for Human Equality! (n.p., n.d.), pp. 15–17.

⁸ One such volume is Richard L. Rowan, The Negro in the Steel Industry, part 4 of Northrup, Herbert R. et al. , Negro Employment in Basic Industry: A Study of Racial Policies in Six Industries (Philadelphia, 1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Hill, Herbert to Wilkins, Roy (”Memorandum Re: United States Steel Corporation and United Steelworkers of America, AFL-CIO [,] Birmingham, Alabama”), 13 09 1965Google Scholar, Box A195, Group III, Records of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Hill, Herbert, “Black Workers, Organized Labor, and Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act: Legislative History and Litigation Record”, in Hill, Herbert and Jones, James E., Jr (eds), Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison, 1993), pp. 309–313Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Atlanta Daily World, 23 November 1962, p. 5.

¹¹ Hill, Herbert, “The Problem of Race in American Labor History” (paper presented at the Southern Historical Association annual meeting, New Orleans, 19 11 1995), p. 11Google Scholar.

¹² Rubin, Lester, The Negro in the Longshore Industry, The Radal Policies of American Industry, Report No. 29 (Philadelphia, 1970), pp. 136–141Google Scholar.

¹³ Quam-Wickham, Nancy, “Who Controls the Hiring Hall? The Struggle for Job Control in the ILWU During World War II”, in Rosswurm, Steve (ed.), The ClO's Left-Led Unions (New Brunswick, 1992), pp. 47–67Google Scholar; Nelson, Bruce, “Harry Bridges, the ILWU, and Race Relations in the CIO Era”, Working Paper No. 2, Occasional Paper Series, Center for Labor Studies, University of Washington (Seattle, 1995), p. 15Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Faue, even manages a monumental distortion of the argument of my book, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen, and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana, 1988)Google Scholar. According to Faue, I argue therein that the progressive organizing activity of “cadres[…] ran repeatedly into grassroots resistance to change”. In fact, that is the exact opposite of the book's argument. In my discussion of the famed West Coast maritime strike of 1934, for example, I state that “the Communist presence in the strike gave it a more disciplined and organized character and a more effective leadership […] But the scope and dynamism of the conflict far exceeded the ability of the rather insignificant number of Communists to control or direct it. The fact is that the Big Strike was an authentic rank-and-file rebellion that had long been waiting to happen.” Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront, p. 145; see also pp. 161–162, and passim.

¹¹ Nelson, Bruce, “Auto Workers and Electoral Politics: The Detroit Municipal Election of 1937” (paper presented at the North American Conference on Labor History, Detroit, 19 10 1989)Google Scholar; idem, “Reflections on Industrial Workers and Electoral Politics in the CIO Era” (paper presented at the Center for Labor-Management Policy Studies, Graduate School and University Center, City University of New York, 15 May 1990). See also Nelson, Daniel, “The CIO at Bay: Labor Militancy and Politics in Akron, 1936–1938”, Journal of American History, 71 (1984), pp. 565–586CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The “culture of unity” argument has been developed most fully and impressively by Cohen, Lizabeth, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919–1939 (Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Fraser, Steve, “The ‘Labor Question’”, in Fraser, Steve and Gerstle, Gary (eds), The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980 (Princeton, 1989), p. 73Google Scholar; Lichtenstein, The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit, p. 484. On Father Coughlin and the environment in which his world-view held sway, see Bayor, Ronald H., Neighbors in Conflict: The Irish, Germans, Jews, and Italians of New York City, 1929–1941 (Baltimore, 1978), pp. 87–108Google Scholar; Brinkley, Alan, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and the Great Depression (New York, 1982)Google Scholar; Gamm, Gerald H., The Making of New Deal Democrats: Voting Behavior and Realignment in Boston, 1920–1940 (Chicago, 1989), pp. 137–159Google Scholar; Kazin, Michael', The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York, 1995), pp. 109–133Google Scholar.

¹⁷ “Proceedings of the Seventh Constitutional Convention of the United Steelworkers of America” (Atlantic City, NJ, 20–24 September 1954), p. 163; Lichtenstein, Vie Most Dangerous Man in Detroit, pp. 315–316.

¹⁴ Ibid., p. 316; Boyle, Kevin, The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945–1968 (Ithaca, 1995), p. 126Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Massey, Douglas S. and Denton, Nancy A., American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, 1993), p. 15Google Scholar; Hirsch, Arnold R., Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (Cambridge, 1983)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Kornblum, William, Blue Collar Community (Chicago, 1974), pp. 92–111Google Scholar.

²¹ Sugrue, “Crabgrass-Roots Politics”, pp. 570–571.

²² Ibid., p. 565.

²³ McGreevy, John T., Parish Boundaries: Tlie Catholic Encounter with Race in the Twentieth-Century Urban North (Chicago, 1996)Google Scholar, quoted on pp. 78, 263. See also McMahon, Eileen M., Which Parish Are You From? A Chicago Irish Community and Race Relations (Lexington, 1995)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Hirsch, Arnold R., “Massive Resistance in the Urban North: Trumbull Park, Chicago, 1953–1966”, Journal of American History, 82 (1995), pp. 522–550, quoted on pp. 538, 522CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ McGreevy, Parish Boundaries, pp. 100, 189, 190–191.

²⁶ John Broome, “Regarding the appeal by colored members of Local 309”, n.d., Folder 52, Box 7, USWA, Civil Rights Department.

²⁷ Among many examples, perhaps the most prominent is D'Souza, Dinesh, The End of Racism: Principles for a Multicultural Society (New York, 1995)Google Scholar.