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Violence and Political Protest in Ming and Qing China

Review and Commentary on Recent Research

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 December 2008

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Thomas T. Meadows, an experienced British diplomat in China during the nineteenth century and author of The Chinese and Their Rebellions, wrote: “Of all nations that have attained a certain degree of civilization, the Chinese are the least revolutionary and the most rebellious.” Meadows had ample opportunity to make such a remark since he was witness to some of China's fiercest rebellions, those committed by the Taipings, the Nien and Moslem groups during the time of his tour. These revolts, although mass-based and widespread, were put down with particular ferocity by the Qing monarchy. Meadows's remark directs attention to the delicate question of when does a rebellion become a revolution? In the case of these movements, they did not become revolutions because there was no transformation either in the structure of Chinese society or in the system of political power. These incidents may have been “revolutionary situations”, but they did not have “revolutionary outcomes”.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1983

References

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3 The basis of this argument originated in the fourth century BC in the writings of the philosopher Meng K'e, better known as Mencius. See Mencius, , transl. by Lau, D. C. (Harmondsworth, 1970), especially Book IV, Pt A.Google Scholar

4 See the introduction in The Pattern of Chinese History: Cycles, Development, or Stagnation?, ed. by Meskill, J. (Lexington, 1965).Google Scholar

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13 Mentioned in Yuan, Tsing, “Urban Riots and Disturbances”, in: From Ming to Ch'ing, op. cit., pp. 277320.Google Scholar

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17 Major violent urban incidents occurred in 1567, 1571, 1582, 1592, 1593, 1596, 1597, 1599, 1600, 1601, 1602, 1603, 1604, 1607, 1626, 1628 and 1641. On the richness and sophistication of urban life in the late Ming see Mote, F. W., “A Millennium of Chinese Urban History: Form, Time, and Space Concepts in Soochow”, in: Rice University Studies, LIX (1973), pp. 3565, and the same author's essay on gastronomy during the Ming in Food in Chinese Culture, ed. by K. C. Chang (New Haven, 1977), ch. 5.Google Scholar

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22 See Yuan, , “Urban Riots and Disturbances”, pp. 298308; S. H. Wu, Communication and Imperial Control in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1970);Google Scholar and Huang, P., Autocracy at Work: A Study of the Yung-cheng Period, 1723–1735 (Bloomington, 1974).Google Scholar

23 A good review of the “traditional interpretation” of late-Ming peasant rebellions may be found in Parsons, J. B., Peasant Rebellions of the Late Ming Dynasty (Tucson, 1970).Google Scholar

24 See Liu's excellent article “World View and Peasant Rebellion”, loc. cit., for an introduction to this new historiography, especially pp. 296–303.

25 An abridged English translation of this work may be found in Chinese Literature, 1978, Nos 4–8. Li Zicheng represents the minority view of certain historians writing before the Cultural Revolution (compare note 6). Further publication of the novel was suspended when authorities during the period 1966–76 ascribed the “revolutionary consciousness” of peasants to be even greater than that of the proletariat. Thus it was not until the death of Mao and the arrest of the Gang of Four in 1976 that this minority view could be heard again.

26 Further information on Li, using yeshi of “wild, unofficial histories”, may be seen in Wakeman's, F. essay “The Shun Interregnum of 1644”, in: From Ming to Ch'ing, pp. 3987. Refer also to Wakeman's massive study on North China in the late Ming and early Qing, The Great Enterprise, forthcoming.Google Scholar

27 Liu, , “World View and Peasant Rebellion”, p. 298. In leading Chinese journals and newspapers the present view of Chinese historical development emphasizes the forces of production, especially technology, no longer class struggle. This affirmation of the connection between the superstructure and the economic foundation reflects the current national policy preoccupation with modernization.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., p. 300. In general, this “new” historiography subscribes to the classic Marxist view of peasants, formed from the perspective of urban and industrial Europe in the nineteenth century.

29 Ibid., pp. 301–03.

30 Dennerline, J., “Hsü Tu and the Lesson of Nanking”, in: From Ming to Ch'ing, pp. 89132.Google Scholar

31 Ibid., p. 110.

32 See H. Zurndorfer, “Commercial Wealth and Rural Pauperism in Sixteenth Century China: Huizhou Prefecture in Transition”, forthcoming.

33 Beanie, H. J., “The Alternative to Resistance: The Case of T'ung-ch'eng, Anhwei”, in: From Ming to Ch'ing, pp. 239–76.Google Scholar A penetrating study of one of the longest resistance actions in Chinese history, occurring in Chiang-yin, is Wakeman, F. Jr, “Localism and Loyalism During the Ch'ing Conquest of Kiangnan”, in: Conifict and Control, pp.4385.Google Scholar

34 Beattie, , “The Alternative to Resistance”, p. 256.Google Scholar

35 One of the best studies of this topic is by a Korean historian, I Songgyu. See a translation of his work “Shantung in the Shun-chih Reign: The Establishment of Local Control and the Gentry Response”, in: Ch'ing-shih Wen-t'i, IV, No 4(1980), pp. 1–34, and No5(1981), pp. 1–31.

36 Two case-studies on the re-establishment of tax privileges are Dennerline, J., “Fiscal Reform and Local Control: The Gentry-Bureaucratic Alliance Survives the Conquest”, in: Conflict and Control, pp. 86120,Google Scholar and Beattie, H. J., Land and Lineage in China: A Study of T'ung-ch'eng County, Anhwei, in the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties (Cambridge, 1979).Google Scholar

37 The best study to date in English on the phenomenon of the feud in China is Lamley, H., “Hsieh-tou: the Pathology of Violence in Southeastern China”, in: Ch'ing-shih Wen-t'i, III, No 7 (1977), pp. 139.Google Scholar

39 Ibid., p. 11. Compare Meskill, J., A Chinese Pioneer Family: The Lins of Wu-feng, Taiwan, 1729–1895 (Princeton 1979).Google Scholar

40 For explanation of the Three Feudatories, see Kessler, L., K'ang-hsi and the Consolidation of Ch'ing Rule (Chicago, 1976). Compare L. Struve, The Southern Ming, forthcoming.Google Scholar

41 Compare Groves, R. G., “Militia, Market, and Lineage: Chinese Resistance to the Occupation of Hong Kong's New Territories in 1899”, in: The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, IX (1969), pp. 3164,Google Scholar and Jones, S. M. and Kuhn, Ph. A., “Dynastic Decline and the Roots of Rebellion”, in: The Cambridge History of China, X: Late Ch'ing, 1800–1911, Pt I, ed. by Fairbank, J. F. (Cambridge, 1978), pp. 107–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

42 Chan, Hok-lan, “The White Lotus Maitreya Doctrine and Popular Uprisings in Ming and Ch'ing China”, in: Sinologica, X (1969), pp. 211–33; Overmeyer, D., Folk Buddhist Religion: Dissenting Sects in Late Traditional China (Cambridge, 1976).Google Scholar

43 Naquin, S., Shantung Rebellion (New Haven, 1981).Google Scholar

44 Compare similar situations in other historical civilisation in Adas, M., Prophets of Rebellion (Chapel Hill, 1979).Google Scholar

45 de Groot, J. J. M., Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China: A Page in the History of Religions (Leiden, 1901).Google Scholar

46 This event in Chinese history has been conventionally labeled the Revolution of 1911, but as Wakeman points out in The Fall of Imperial China, op. cit., pp. 225–28, the appropnateness of the word “revolution” here is questionable.