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Violence and Political Protest in Ming and Qing China
Review and Commentary on Recent Research
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 December 2008
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Thomas T. Meadows, an experienced British diplomat in China during the nineteenth century and author of The Chinese and Their Rebellions, wrote: “Of all nations that have attained a certain degree of civilization, the Chinese are the least revolutionary and the most rebellious.” Meadows had ample opportunity to make such a remark since he was witness to some of China's fiercest rebellions, those committed by the Taipings, the Nien and Moslem groups during the time of his tour. These revolts, although mass-based and widespread, were put down with particular ferocity by the Qing monarchy. Meadows's remark directs attention to the delicate question of when does a rebellion become a revolution? In the case of these movements, they did not become revolutions because there was no transformation either in the structure of Chinese society or in the system of political power. These incidents may have been “revolutionary situations”, but they did not have “revolutionary outcomes”.
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References
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26 Further information on Li, using yeshi of “wild, unofficial histories”, may be seen in Wakeman's, F. essay “The Shun Interregnum of 1644”, in: From Ming to Ch'ing, pp. 39–87. Refer also to Wakeman's massive study on North China in the late Ming and early Qing, The Great Enterprise, forthcoming.Google Scholar
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28 Ibid., p. 300. In general, this “new” historiography subscribes to the classic Marxist view of peasants, formed from the perspective of urban and industrial Europe in the nineteenth century.
29 Ibid., pp. 301–03.
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38 Ibid.
39 Ibid., p. 11. Compare Meskill, J., A Chinese Pioneer Family: The Lins of Wu-feng, Taiwan, 1729–1895 (Princeton 1979).Google Scholar
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