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Some Elements of Continuity in the Social Life of Ancient Crete

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 December 2008

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Abstract

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In my Aristocratic Society in Ancient Crete I suggested the possibility that the Dorians of the historical period entered as masters into a “caste-system” first established, according to a tradition reported by Aristotle, in Minoan times; and further, that the original Dorian land settlement was the product of the amalgamation of two systems: the native system of land tenure was adapted to the tribal institutions of the conquerors. The present article is an attempt to clarify these two propositions by presenting some of the relevant arguments. For the propositions themselves seem fundamental to a proper understanding of the conservative character of the economic and social structure of the Cretan aristocratic cities in the historical period, as compared with the radical transformation of the democratic states, and, in particular, of Athens.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1957

References

page 421 note 1 251–2. See for footnotes also the Bibliography at the end.

page 421 note 2 See further ib. 174–91.

page 422 note 1 Ib. 177. Cf. Jardé 1.109. Also Rostovtzeff SEHHW 2.1185: “In continental Greece serf economy, though very little known, certainly existed in some places. It lost its importance in Sparta after the time of Nabis, but it may have retained comparative vitality in Thessaly and in Crete.”

page 422 note 2 Evans 1.14. Cf. Childe DEC 17.

page 422 note 3 Pendlebury 37.

page 423 note 1 Hawkes 77. Cf. Childe ib. 16–17; Pendlebury 41–2.

page 423 note 2 For detailed analysis of the linguistic data relating to the kinship terminology of the classificatory systems see Thomson AA 6,25–50, 132, 387–417 and SAGS 1.58–78, 145–6. Cf. also Benveniste in: BSLP 46.20–22; Isachenko in: Slavia 22. 1.43–80.

page 423 note 3 Cf. Childe WHH 59.

page 423 note 4 Childe, DEC 22.

page 423 note 5 Hazzidakis 77.

page 424 note 1 Willetts 24, 36, 71, 73, 76, 80, 93, 95.

page 424 note 2 Hartland 1.256.

page 424 note 3 Thomson AA 15.

page 424 note 4 Westermarck 1.634, 2.273; Landtman 15; Hobhouse 22; Heichelheim 1.14; Lowie 71, 174, 184; Childe MMH 138; Thomson AA 16.

page 424 note 5 Hawkes 88.

page 425 note 1 Childe DEC 22–3, 25.

page 425 note 2 Lilley 1–8; 12–13.

page 426 note 1 Schaeffer 38–9.

page 426 note 2 Virolleaud in Syria 21.138.

page 426 note 3 Pendlebury 94–179; Childe DEC 26–7, WHH 146–8; Schaeffer 3; Woolley 77, cf. JHS 56.125; Thomson SAGS 1.28, 376, 2.107.

page 427 note 1 In Singer HT 1.664.

page 427 note 2 Woolley 76–7; cf. 15, 109, 156–9.

page 427 note 3 The oldest surviving portion of a potter's wheel, found at Ur, has been dated 3250±250 B.C. A complete clay disk was buried with its owner at Erech, in Sumer, about 2000 B.C. The pivoted disk and the foot-wheel may have been used in Crete from 1800 B.C. The potter's wheel was used in Sumer or Iran, or both, earlier than in China, Egypt, Syria or Crete. The further we move westward from the Persian Gulf and the Tigris, the later the appearance of wheel-made vases. (Childe in HT 1.199–200, 202–3). The application of the wheel revolutionized not only the ceramic industry, but also transport. Solid-wheeled vehicles were used in Sumer soon after 3500 B.C.; in Elam and possibly Assyria about 3000 B.C.; on the upper Euphrates round about 2250 B.C.; In south Russia and also in Crete about 2000 B.C. (Childe ib. 211). Spoked wheels are first represented about 2000 B.C. in northern Mesopotamia and in Cappadocia. They were used in Egypt soon after 1600 B.C. and they feature on clay tablets from Knossos about 1500 B.C. Four-spoked wheels were common to the Cappadocian vehicles depicted on seals, to Egyptian chariots before 1400 B.C., and to all Minoan and Mycenaean chariots in the Aegean area. (Childe ib. 211–13). Saffron, the orange-yellow dye from Crocus sativus, made from the dried stigmas of the flowers, was common in Crete, but was also produced in Syria, Egypt and Cilicia. Crete shared with Ugarit early knowledge of Tyrian purple. (Forbes ib. 247; cf. Pendlebury 281). The technique of Cretan ivory-workers is outstanding. The craft is assumed to have originated in the Near East where a ready supply of elephant ivory was available. But Syria formed another source of supply. Hence the art of carving in the round was early developed by Syrian, Phoenician and Palestinian craftsmen (Barnett ib. 663–6, 672; cf. Pendlebury 217–18). The ivory used by the Mycenaeans was presumably imported from Syria (Wace ABSA 50.250 n. 2). Cretan metallurgy was in general based upon Asiatic traditions which had matured over a considerable period.

page 428 note 1 Thomson SAGS 1.28.

page 428 note 2 Cf. two interesting examples of cult cited by Barnett (in HT 1.665 n. 1: “…in Egypt, Horus was patron of the smiths of Edfu; at Lagash in Sumer, Nintukalamma was god of metal-workers.”

page 428 note 3 Grönbech 1.35. (Cf. on modern craft-clans Hollis 8–11, Landtman 83). In ancient Greece these “guilds” were closer to their tribal origin (Thomson SAGS 1.332–4). The Asklepiadai (physicians) traced their ancestry to the patron of medicine. They admitted new members under a form of adoption – a rite of re-birth normal to the primitive clan. Such a new member swore “to show the same regard for his teacher as for his parents, to make him his partner in his livelihood, to share his earnings with him in time of need, and to treat his kinsfolk as his own brothers.” (Hp. Jusj. 1.298–300 Jones. “It is not expressly stated that this was the oath of the Asklepiadai, but I do not see what other organisation it can be referred to” Thomson ib. 333 n. 6. Cf. Roscher LGRM s.v. Asklepios). The cult of Asklepios was prominent in Crete in historical times, especially at Lebena (IC.I p. 151 et passim). Even Aristotle claimed descent from Asklepios (D.L. 5.1.). The Homeridai (minstrels) claimed descent from Homer. (Pi. N. 2.1 sch.; Harp. ‘Oμηρiδαι; Thomson ib. 332–3, 492, 508, 541–82). The lamidai (prophets), who were represented in Elis, Sparta, Messenia and Kroton, went back to a son of Apollo, god of prophecy. (Hdt. 9.33, 5.44.2; Paus. 3.12.8, 4.16.1, 6.2.5, 8.10.5; Pi. O 6.). The Branchidai and Krontidai were also prophets. (Roscher ib. s.v. Branches; Hsch. Kρoντιδαι). The Kerykes, Theokerykes, and Talthybiadai were heralds, the former going back to a son of Hermes, god of heraldry, the others to the herald Talthybios. (Hsch. θɛoξρνξήɛς Thomson ib. 127–8, 332; Toepffer 80–92). At Sparta, all heralds were Talthybiadai, heraldry being their clanprerogative (Hdt. 7.134). Other craft-clans with vocational names are: Poimenidai (herdsmen), Bouzygai (ox-spanners), Phreorychoi (well-diggers), Daidalidai (sculptors) Hephaistiadai, Eupyridai, Pelekes (armourers and smiths): Toepffer 136–46, 166, 310–15. The mythical division of labour among the gods reflects this system of occupational clans, “a system in which a man's vocation – his portion in life, his birthright – had been determined for him by the clan into which he was born”. (Thomson ib. 334). Zeus became king in reward for military service against Kronos and the Titans. (Hes. Th. 73–4, 112–13, 383–403; 881–5; cf. A. Pr. 218, 244–7; Alc. 45). He then distributed prerogatives to other deities. The prerogative of Hephaistos was fire (A. Pr. 38); of Atlas the support of the sky (Hes. Th. 520); of the nymphs the care of mortals in their youth (Hes. Th. 348); of Apollo, music and dancing, of Hades lamentation and darkness (Stes. 22, II. 15.187–93); of Aphrodite, love-making, and of Athene the loom (Hes. Th. 204–5, Norm. D. 24.274–81); of Poseidon, the sea, and of Zeus himself, the sky (Il. 15.187–93).

page 429 note 1 Il. 18.592; Pl. Men. 97d.

page 429 note 2 Pol. 1329a 40–1329b5. On the terminology see p. 437 f.

page 430 note 1 Cf. Childe DEC 27.

page 430 note 2 Pendlebury 270.

page 430 note 3 I shall examine these possibilities elsewhere.

page 430 note 4 Horn. h. Cer. 123.

page 430 note 5 Harrison 273; cf. Paus. 8.4.1

page 431 note 1 Thomson SAGS 1.256.

page 431 note 2 Od. 5.125–8. Cf. D.S. 5.49, Hes. Th. 969 ff.

page 431 note 3 Childe DEC 22–3; Evans 1.70–72; Hall 44.

page 431 note 4 Childe ib. 24; Pendlebury 63–5.

page 431 note 5 Childe ib. 25; Evans 1.149–50.

page 431 note 6 Thomson ib. 250.

page 431 note 7 Thomson ib. 249.

page 431 note 8 Willetts 29, 59–65, 65, 252–3, 255. The Indo-European correlatives of the Greek word oìξoς (woikos) show its original connexion with (a) the clan and (b) the village. Its collective associations long endured in Greek. See further Boisacq s.v.; LSJ s.v. oìξoς cf. oíξíα.

page 431 note 9 Childe WHH 146; cf. 53 and 85.

page 432 note 1 Childe ib. 146.

page 432 note 2 Childe ib. 147.

page 432 note 3 Pendlebury 212.

page 432 note 4 All weights until c. 1450 B.C. are of stone. Skinner in HT 1.779. Cf., for Crete, Pendlebury 215.

page 432 note 5 The various types of Cretan script which appeared in the course of archaeological investigation were divided by Evans into pictographic and linear scripts. The earliest pictographic signs are engraved on seals and it is still doubtful whether they represent actual writing. Pictographs of a more developed kind date from about 2000 B.C., on seals and also on tablets and bars, their signs resembling the Hittite signary and Egyptian hieroglyphs. The linear script A appears about the middle of the 17th Century B.C., the linear script B in the course of the 15th Century B.C. Both are pre-alphabetic cursive scripts; but pictorial signs continued to be used until the end of Minoan times.

page 433 note 1 Pendlebury 184.

page 434 note 1 Evans 2.755.

page 434 note 2 Pendlebury (200–201) who comments: “The evidence of the Sudanis is the knee of one figure on a blue background and the back of the head of another on a white background.”

page 434 note 3 Pendlebury 214 and Plate XXXVI, 2.

page 434 note 4 Evans 3.314 ff;cf. 2.50 ff; Lorimer 137.

page 434 note 5 Ib. 308, cf. Lorimer 137.

page 434 note 8 Evans 3.313, figs. 204–5; cf. Lorimer 138.

page 434 note 7 Lorimer 254 ff; ib. 261 ff.

page 436 note 1 Childe in HT 1.209–10.

page 436 note 2 Lorimer 322.

page 436 note 3 Evans 4.785 ff; Pendlebury 219; Childe WHH 147.

page 436 note 4 Evans 2.626.

page 436 note 5 Pendlebury 230; cf. Schaeffer 12.

page 436 note 6 Ibid.

page 436 note 7 Hall 265–6; Pendlebury 229–31; Thomson SAGS 1.371 and n. 5. Changes in the architecture of the period indicate a shortage of timber. Was this shortage partly due to intensive naval construction? Cf. Evans 2.518, 565; Pendlebury 188.

page 437 note 1 Forsdyke 17; cf. Hall 265–6; Thomson SAGS 1.370–1.

page 437 note 2 1.171.

page 437 note 3 1.4.

page 437 note 4 Marmor Parium 11,19. Cf. Plu. Thes. 20; D.S. 4.60.

page 437 note 5 Forsdyke 18.

page 437 note 6 Forsdyke ibid; cf. Thomson SAGS 1.170, 370. Forsdyke adds (citing Hom. Od. 14. 256–72) “…if he got as far as Egypt it was only to be driven off by the seamen of Rameses or Merneptah. It was in the fifth year of Merneptah, about 1230, that the great attack on Egypt of the Libyans and the Peoples of the Sea, among whom the Achaeans are specified, was defeated at Piari in the Western Delta.”

page 438 note 1 Cf. Pendlebury XXV.

page 438 note 2 2.164–8.

page 438 note 3 Cf. Isoc. Busir. 18; Plu. Lye. 4.

page 438 note 4 1.75–4.

page 439 note 1 Busir. 15.

page 439 note 2 1.94.4. For έθνοζ in the sense of “class”, “caste”, “tribe” cf. PI. Lg. 776d, Plt. 290b; X. Smp. 3.6; Pl. Grg. 455 b cf. Arist. Ath. Fr. 3; D.S. 17.102; of “orders” of priests OGI 90.17; of “trade-associations” or “guilds”, PPetr. 3. p. 67; of “rank” or “station”, Pl. R. 420b, cf. 421c, D. 21.131.

page 439 note 3 The view that the language of the linear B texts is an early form of Greek, now widely known as a result of the proposed Ventris-Chadwick decipherment, is, of course, not novel. As a principal critic of this decipherment has frankly acknowledged, the view is quite feasible on historical and archaeological grounds: Beattie in JHS 76.1.

page 439 note 4 Thomson SAGS 1.369–432.

page 439 note 5 Analysed by Chadwick HA, GL.

page 439 note 8 Nilsson 212–47; cf. Thomson SAGS 1.369–432.

page 440 note 1 Thomson ib. 295–365.

page 440 note 2 14.199–359, 16.60–67, 17.512–27, 19.164–348.

page 440 note 3 As we have seen, the Parian Marble preserves the record of two distinct bearers of the royal title of Minos, one belonging to the 15th, the other to the 13th Century B.C. – respectively to the period of the supremacy and to the period of the subordination of Knossos. Idomeneus boasts of his descent from Zeus, who made his son Minos the ɛΦíoνρoσ (“guardian”, “watcher”) over Crete. Deucalion was the son of Minos and Idomeneus himself the son of Deucalion whom he succeeded as lord over many men in spacious Crete. (Il. 13.449–52). See further Myres 308; Murray 221; Nilsson 264; Lorimer 47.

page 440 note 4 Myres 123, 131.

page 440 note 5 Od. 19.197–8. For a parallel see ib. 13.14–15.

page 441 note 1 Pendlebury 237–9. Cf. Hdt. 7.169–71 and How-Wells ad loc.

page 442 note 1 “The new processes which made steel a material equal, and even superior, to bronze found their way prepared in all these countries by earlier attempts at iron-smelting. This explains why the smelting of iron spread so much more quickly than that of bronze.” Forbes in H.T. 1.595.

page 442 note 2 Though fine work continued to be done in bronze, including a number of important works of art. Pendlebury 336.

page 442 note 3 See further Willetts 230 et passim.

page 443 note 1 Ib. 225–34.

page 443 note 2 Ib. 103. Cf. Arist. Pol. 1272a 9–11; Hdt. 4.154; IC 2.XVI.1; Van Effenterre 100 n. 2.

page 443 note 3 Ib. 254 and n. 1.

page 443 note 4 Ib. 16, 20–1, 49, 139–40, 193, 252; Arist. Pol. 1272a; Dosiad. ap. Ath. 4.143a–b.

page 443 note 5 Heraclid. Pont. RP 2.7; Arist. Pol. 1270a; Tyrt. 5.

page 444 note 1 Willetts 46–51.

page 444 note 2 Ib. 22–7 et passim.

page 444 note 3 Our chief source for the organization of the Cretan youth is Str. 10.482; cf. Ath. 4.143; Nic. Dam. fr. 115; Heraclid. Pont. 3.4. But other sources add much to our knowledge: Willetts s.v. agela, passim.

page 444 note 4 Larsen in CP 31.11 ff; id. in RE s.v. Perioikoi; Jeanmaire 424 n. 3; Willetts 37–45. Cf. Guarducci in RF 14.356 ff.

page 444 note 5 Willetts 52–6.

page 445 note 1 Ib. 40; IC 4.78.

page 445 note 2 IC 4.58.

page 445 note 3 Pol. 1260a 37. Cf. ib. 1267b 15; 1277b 1; 1278a 17; 1291a 1; 1319a 26; 1326a 22; 1328b 39; 1329a 19; 1331a 33.

page 445 note 4 IC 4.79.

page 445 note 5 1C 4.144.

page 445 note 6 IC 2.V.1.

page 445 note 7 IC 2.XII.9.

page 445 note 8 Willetts 42.

page 445 note 9 See further ib. 43–44.

page 446 note 1 IC 3.VI. 7A, B (3rd C.B.C.). It seems that the kosmoi of Praisos supervised these services; and also that commutation of such services was allowed.

page 446 note 2 Willetts 41–42.

page 446 note 3 In marked contrast with the relatively slow development of towns by the Dorian kinsfolk of the mainland. Pendlebury 327; cf. Adcock in CAH 3.691.

page 446 note 4 Demargne 149.

page 446 note 5 Ib. passim.

page 446 note 6 Willetts 59–62.

page 446 note 7 Plb. 6.45.1–47.6.

page 446 note 8 Willetts 44 on IC 4.231–6; ib. 135 on IC 3.IV.1 B; Rostovtzeff SEHRE 274 cf. Tac. Ann. 14.18; Hyg. De cond. agr. 122 and Rostovtzeff ib. 579 n. 51.

page 447 note 1 Pol. 1271 b 20–33.