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Seamen's Organizations and Social Protest in Europe, c. 1300–1825*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 February 2009

Karel Davids
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The friend of Havelock Wilson, the founder of the National Union of Seamen, who once told him that true unity among seamen would never be achieved because seamen were like “a rope of sand”, washed away with every tide, would no longer be considered a sage. It was not only Wilson who, during his career as trade unionist, proved beyond any doubt that the “rope of sand” could indeed hold together. The seamen, too, had shown long before the rise of the new unions at the end of the nineteenth century that they possessed more cohesive power than Havelock's friend was prepared to credit them with – at least, if British employers are to be believed. One of the first occasions on which British employers appealed to the Combination Act of 1799 was during a labour dispute in December 1799, when coal merchants (through the intermediary of the Mayor of London) urged the Home Secretary to take action against an alleged combination of seamen in Shields. The Coal Trade Committee of 1800 blamed combinations of seamen for the high wages, which had reached an unprecedented level.

Type
Research Article
Information
International Review of Social History , Volume 39 , supplement S2: Before the Unions. Wage earners and collective action in Europe, 1300–1850 , August 1994 , pp. 145 - 169
Copyright
Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1994

References

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13 Sjöstaden Norrköping. Skeppare gillet & skeppare societeten 1641–1991 (Norrköping, 1991), p. 9. According to the data assembled by Lucassen and Lourens at the IISG, the number of skippers' guilds in the Dutch Republic also increased in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; most of the skippers organized in these guilds were probably involved in the inland trade.

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22 Bowens, Nauwkeurige beschrijving, vol. I, p. 114.

23 Moschetti, Cesare Maria, “Aspetti organizzativi e sociali della gente di mare el Golfo di Napoli nei secoli XVII e XVHI”, in Ragosta, Rosalba (ed.), Le genti del mare mediterraneo, 2 vols (Naples, 1981), vol. I, pp. 937–973Google Scholar, esp. pp. 940–953.

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29 Foundation by period: 1610–1629: Maassluis; 1630–1649: Graft, Landsmeer, Zunderdorp, Buiksloot, Broek in Waterland, Ooster- en Westerblokker, Bovenkarspel, Westwoud, Enkhuizen, Westzaandam, Edam, Warder, Wormer, Harlingen, Oost-TerscheUing; 1650–1669: Hauwert; 1690–1709: Aartswoud, Hem, Venhuizen, IJlst; 1730–1740: Zierikzee; 1750–1769: Flushing; unknown: Schellinkhout, Oostwoud, Kwadijk, Opperdoes, Oudendijk.

30 Van Vliet, “Kapers”, p. 9; Van Vliet, “‘Ruïner les pêcheries”’, p. 11, n. 30; De Jong, Geschiedenis, vol. 1, pp. 121–122.

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32 Johnston, The Records, pp. 5, 46; van Vliet, A. P., Vissers en kapers. De zeevisserij vanuit het Maasmondgebied en de Duinkerker kapers (ca. 1580–1648) (The Hague, 1994), pp. 46Google Scholar, 145–150, 174–177.

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41 Davids, Karel, “Technological Change and the Professionalism of Masters and Mates in the Dutch Mercantile Marine, 1815–1914”, Collectanea Maritima, 5 (1989), pp. 282–303Google Scholar, esp. p. 289; whether there has been any continuity between the first zeemanscollege, founded in Amsterdam in 1795, and the fund referred to in the previous note, is not yet clear; Burton, Valerie, “The Making of a Nineteenth-Century Profession: Shipmasters and the British Shipping Industry”, Journal of the Canadian Historical Association (1990), pp. 97–118Google Scholar, esp. p. 116. The marine societies formed in Boston, Salem, Philadelphia, New York and other port towns of Colonial America after about 1740 “for the relief of distressed shipmasters and their widows and children” also appear to have been new foundations, see Morris, Richard B., Government and Labor in Early America (New York, 1946), p. 199Google Scholar.

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43 Davids, “Technological Change”, pp. 295–303; Burton, “The Making”, pp. 116–117.

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58 Gemeentearchief Amsterdam (GAA), PA 5061/581, fo. 159–159v, 309 fo. 92–92v, 94, 97; Wagenaar, Jan, Amsterdam in zijne opkomst, aanwas, geschiedenissen enz., 4 vols (Amsterdam, 1760–1788), vol. I, p. 585Google Scholar.

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61 Rediker, Between the Devil, pp. 234–235.

62 Capp, Cromwell's Navy, p. 286.

63 Roland Baetens, “Le comportement des marins sur les navires ostendais vers l'Orient”, Revue du Nord, No. 1 spétial hors série 1986, pp. 385–403, esp. p. 399; Bruijn and Van Eyck van Heslinga, Muiterij, pp. 44–57, 63–6; Algemeen Rijksarchief The Hague, Admiraliteitsarchieven Collectie Van der Velden XXVII No. 42, Archief VOC No. 2269 fo. 6582 and no. 2322 fo. 202.

64 Davies, Gentlemen, p. 75; Davis, The Rise, pp. 326–327.

65 Rediker, Between the Devil, p. 156; Rodger, The Wooden World, p. 158.

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69 GA Amsterdam PA 5061/309 fo. 97.

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73 GA Amsterdam PA 5061/309 fo. 97; Het ontroerd Holland, vol. I, pp. 255–256, 297.

74 GA Amsterdam PA 5061/719 No. 9, 720 No. 18, 725 No. 6, petitions to the magistrates of Amsterdam from “people interested in the lodging and equipment of seamen”, c. 1777, 1778 and 1790/1791.

75 Rowe, “A Trade Union”, pp. 81–98.

76 Jones, “Community”, pp. 53–54.

77 Ibid., p. 51; cf. McCord, Norman and Brewster, David E., “Some Labour Troubles of the 1790's in North East England”, International Review of Social History, 13 (1968), pp. 366–383CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. p. 366.

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79 Moher, “From Suppression”, p. 85; Ville, English Shipowning, p. 105; Aspinall, The Early English Trade Unions, pp. 32–33.

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82 McCord and Brewster, “Some Labour Troubles”, p. 366; Marsh and Ryan, The Seamen, p. 7 and Ville, English Shipowning, pp. 98–99, argue in the same vein.

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86 As far as the evidence presented in Jones, “Community”, pp. 53–55 makes it possible to conclude.

87 Ibid., pp. 41, 53.

88 Johnston, The Records, pp. 56–60, 69–79, 83.

89 Jones, “Community”, p. 40; also see Whatley, Christopher A., “‘The Fettering Bonds of Brotherhood’: Combination and Labour Relations in the Scottish Coal-Mining Industry circa 1690–1775”, Social History, 12 (1987), pp. 139–154CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on colliers' organization in Scotland in the eighteenth century, including evidence on pp. 144–145 on an insurance box and quasi-masonic brotherhood in Midlothian in 1728.

90 Starkey, David J., “British Seafaring Employment Levels in Peace and War, 1739–1792”, in Fischer, Lewis R. and Nordik, Helge W. (eds), Shipping and Trade (1750–1950) (Louvain, 1990), pp. 28–37Google Scholar; Ville, English Shipowning, pp. 100–101; Rodger, The Wooden World, pp. 145–182; Lloyd, C., The British Seaman, 1200–1860, A Social Survey (London, 1968), pp. 198–199Google Scholar; Kindleberger, Charles P., Mariners and Markets (New York, 1992), pp. 16–19Google Scholar.

91 McCord and Brewster, “Some Labour Troubles”, pp. 377–382; Lewis, The British Seaman, p. 199.

92 Starkey, “British Seafaring Employment Levels”, pp. 35–36.

93 Jones, “Community”, p. 46.

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96 van Royen, P. C., “Manning the Merchant Marine: The Dutch Maritime Labour Market around 1700”, International Journal of Maritime History, 1 (1989), pp. 1–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 17–20.

97 Ville, English Ship owning, pp. 68–86, esp. p. 71; Davis, The Rise, pp. 159–174; Craig, “Printed Guides”.