Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 December 2008
The prestige of the landlord class, which had stood so high in the long period of prosperity of the mid-Victorian years, fell to its lowest point in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. From the early 1880's landowners were attacked by politicians and land reformers in Parliament, in the Press and in a welter of literature on various aspects of the land question. At the same time there was a revival in the membership and activities of land organisations many of which had been started in the land agitation of the early 1870's only to go down before the onset of the Great Depression. The main cause of the widespread feelings of hostility towards landowners was economic: the instability of trade and employment and the effects of falling profit margins on the outlook and standards of expenditure of businessmen. The conflict of economic interests between landlords, businessmen and workers was expressed in the language of class war. Radicals of the Liberal Party took advantage of the increased support given to them by the business and professional classes to renew their campaign against the landowning aristocracy. They carped at the wealth of landowners and pointed to the burden of rents and royalties which lay on the enterprise of farmers and mineowners. They contrasted the relatively fixed incomes of landowners with the falling rate of return on industrial investments. Turning away from moderate reforms designed to improve the transfer and development of estates, they pronounced that the chief burden on the land was not the law but the landlord himself.
page 413 note 1 I wish to thank Dr. H. J. Dyos for critically reading this paper.
page 413 note 2 Harrison, Royden, The Land and Labour League, in: Bulletin of the International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam, Vol. VIII (1953), Part. 3.Google Scholar
page 414 note 1 The Radical Programme, in: Fortnightly Review, XXXVIII (1885), pp. 123–35.Google Scholar This should be contrasted with the traditional programme of “free trade in land” put forward by John Kay, brother of Kay Shuttleworth and Liberal M.P. for Salford until his death in 1878, G. C. Brodrick, the leading writer of the Cobden Club and the economist Thorold Rogers.
page 414 note 2 Bradlaugh, Charles, The Land, the People and the Coming Struggle (1872?), p. 3.Google Scholar
page 414 note 3 This is basely noticed, for example, in the account of the land question in Lynd, H. M., England in the Eighteen Eighties (1945).Google Scholar
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page 415 note 1 “Freehold may have comprised about a third of the residential property in London in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, but the proportion of homes which were occupied by their owners was much smaller than this”. For the evidence on which this statement is based and an analysis of the development of building estates in one part of London, see Dyos, H. J., Suburb, Victorian. A Study of the growth of Camberwell (Leicester, 1961), pp. 85–113.Google Scholar
page 415 note 2 See, for example, Wallace, A., Land Nationalisation (1906), pp. 116 et seq.Google Scholar
page 415 note 3 Some London radicals actively supported the Society for the preservation of Commons and Open Spaces. Even Punch made a typically barbed jest during 1884 at the expense of landowners by imagining the accumulation of property taken to its ultimate term in a hundred years time with one Noble Duke the perpetual ground landlord of the entire kingdom. The Survival of the Fittest, in: Punch, , 12 04, 1884, pp. 170–1.Google Scholar
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page 418 note 1 The provisions of the annual enfranchisement Bills altered over the years. The earliest one aimed at giving the tenants of leasehold property an option to buy the remainder of a building or repairing lease, provided twenty years of the term was outstanding, at a price to be decided by the judge of a County Court.
page 418 note 2 For a general complaint against the actions of ground landlords and some cases of hardship collected when a special investigation for the Times was carried through, see Banfield, F., Great Landlords of London (1888).Google Scholar
page 418 note 3 He also promoted a special Bill on behalf of dissenters whose chapels stood on leasehold land.
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page 421 note 1 Report, Select Committee on Town Holdings, Parl. Papers, 1889 (251), XV.Google ScholarReport, Land Enquiry Committee, 11, Urban (1914), p. 34.Google Scholar For an account of the growth of the leasehold system from its beginnings in the fourteenth century, see chapter 1 of my Thesis, M. A., The Use of Short-term Building and Repairing Leases … in the nineteenth century (Leicester, 1961).Google Scholar
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page 422 note 3 This Select Committee was concerned not only with leaseholds but also with the taxation of ground rents.
page 422 note 4 Harrison printed most of his researches: A Paper on Leasehold Enfranchisement … Read before the British Association at Bath (1888). Also Select Committee on Town Holdings, 1887, op. cit.Google Scholar, – especially QQ. 4006–9 and the Report, 1889, op. cit., para. 105.Google Scholar
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page 423 note 2 During 1890 alone 49 petitions were presented to Parliament.
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page 423 note 4 A variety of professional opinion was expressed at the meetings of surveyors in 1884 and later. See, for example, R. W. Mann, The Enfranchisement of Urban Leases, and Howard Martin, Recent Proposals for Leasehold Enfranchisement, The Surveyors' Institution, Transactions, XVII (1884–5). Professional opinion was also represented before the Select Committee on Town Holdings, 1887 and 1888, op. cit. See also Perks, F.. Leasehold Enfranchisement (1894)Google Scholar and Tarn, A. W., Prize Essay, The Enfranchisement of Leaseholds etc. (1893).Google Scholar
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page 427 note 2 Spectator, 4 05, 1889.Google Scholar Howard Evans claimed all changes as triumphs for the Association, Echo, 6 07, 1888.Google Scholar In one case at least this was hardly just. Cf. Special Committee on the Corporation Leaseholds of Liverpool, Report and Evidence (1887–1888).Google Scholar
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