¹ For the origin and early development of Orangeism see Senior, H., Orangeism in Ireland and Britain 1795–1836 (Londen, 1960).Google Scholar

² McFarland's, ElaineProtestants First (Edinburgh, 1991)Google Scholar is a pathbreaking work on the Orange Order in nineteenth-century Scotland, and on Protestant Irish immigration. It is based on her doctoral thesis “The Loyal Orange Institution in Scotland 1799–1900” (University of Glasgow, 1986) which I have used as my main reference point for the nineteenth-century background. On the theme of Protestant Irish immigrants see also Walker, G., “The Protestant Irish in Scotland”, in Devine, T.M. (ed.), Irish Immigrants and Scottish Society in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Edinburgh, 1991), pp. 44–66.Google Scholar

³ Belfast Weekly News (hereafter BWN) 28 12 1934 (my emphasis); BWN references, unless otherwise stated, are to the “Scottish Orange Notes” column in the paper.Google Scholar

⁴ Ibid., 31 January 1929.

⁵ According to the Scottish Orangeman's Historical Directory 1913–1914 (British Library, pp. 2510 bac) the Order had almost 400 lodges at this time. Their numbers grew considerably after the First World War.Google Scholar

⁶ See McFarland, , “The Loyal Orange Institution”, p. 96.Google Scholar

⁷ See Grand Master McInnes Shaw's speech about Catholic influence on the press in Scotland, , BWN, 5 02 1931.Google Scholar

⁸ For the only penetrating analysis of Freemasonry in modern Scotland to date see Finn, G.P.T., “In the grip? A psychological and historical exploration of the social significance of freemasonry in Scotland”, in Walker, G. and Gallagher, T. (eds), Sermons and Battle Hymns: Protestant Popular Culture in Modern Scotland (Edinburgh, 1990), pp. 160–192.Google Scholar

⁹ See Dewar, M.W.Brown, J., and Long, S.E., Orangeism: A New Historical Appreciation (Belfast, 1967).Google Scholar

¹⁰ See, for example, reports of speeches by Dorrian, Frank, BWN, 11 01 1934,Google Scholar and Shaw, McInnes, BWN, 15 12 1938.Google Scholar

¹¹ This has always been a more popular tag in Scotland than the word “Tory” with its aristocratic and privileged connotations.

¹² McFarland, , “The Loyal Orange Institution”, pp. 429–431.Google Scholar

¹³ For an account of Orange anti-Home Rule campaigning in Bridgeton at this time, see diaries of Alexander McCallum Scott (Liberal M.P. for the constituency) 1912–1913, Glasgow University Special Collection.

¹⁴ See Pugh, M., The Tories and the People (Oxford, 1985).Google Scholar

¹⁵ See Hutchinson, I.G.C., A Political History of Scotland 1832–1924 (Edinburgh, 1986), pp. 222–223.Google Scholar

¹⁶ BWN, 29 05 1919.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid., 22 May 1919.

¹⁸ Ibid., 17 June 1920. The figures broke down as: 1588 men, 806 women, 1757 juveniles.

¹⁹ Ibid., 17 July 1919.

²⁰ Ibid., 15 July 1920.

²¹ Ibid., 10 April 1919. One candidate was elected for St. Rollox and Maryhill; 2 for Govan, Tradeston and Pollok; 1 for Hillhead and Partick; 1 for Springburn and Camlachie.

²² It is far harder to find Orange denunciations of official trade-union activity, and there were Orange leaders who made clear that they were not anti-trade union as such. See report of speech by Dorrian, Frank, BWN, 26 01 1933.Google Scholar

²³ BWN, 20 02 1919.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid., 17 July 1919.

²⁵ See “Ulster Scot” column in BWN, 28 08 1919.Google Scholar

²⁶ See McShane, H. (with Smith, Joan), No Mean Fighter (London, 1978), p. 84;Google Scholar see also Wrigley, C., Lloyd George and the Challenge of Labour (London, 1990), p. 44 regarding a “revolutionary socialist” ex-servicemen's organisation in Glasgow, and chapters 2–4 in general for the mood of post-war unrest.Google Scholar

²⁷ BWN, 28 10 1920.Google Scholar

²⁸ Ibid., 10 March 1921.

²⁹ See BWN, 10 02 1921;Google Scholar for an account of the development of the Economic League see McIvor, A.J., „‘A crusade for Capitalism’: The Economic League, 1919–1939”, Journal of Contemporary History, 23 (1988), pp. 631–655.Google Scholar

³⁰ See reports of speeches by Coote, William, BWN, 15 07 1920, and William Grant, BWN, 14 07 1921.Google Scholar

³¹ Lodge Number 127. It won the “blue riband” for this throughout the inter-war period and always claimed in excess of 400 members.

³² See report of his Lodge's social gathering BWN, 3 02 1921.Google Scholar

³³ Orange Standard (British Library, pp. 265h, hereafter O. S.), May 1926. See also October 1926– James Spencer, the head of the firm, was also an Orangeman.Google Scholar

³⁴ Scholarly work on paternalism in an urban industrial context, such as Joyce's, PatrickWork, Society and Politics (Brighton, 1980)Google Scholar for Lancashire, is much needed for Glasgow and the West of Scotland. Examples like Douglas tend to support Harriet Bradley's argument that it has survived, in different and changing forms, in the twentieth century in certain industries. See Bradley, , “Change and Continuity in History and Sociology: the case of Industrial Paternalism”, in Kendrick, S., Straw, P. and McCrone, D. (eds), Interpreting the Past, Understanding the Present (London, 1990), pp. 177–195.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁵ BWN, 3 02 1921. Foremen were often in positions of significant power. In certain industries they decided who to hire and fire, and thus were, potentially, able to regulate employment in a sectarian fashion.Google Scholar

³⁶ The Orange Order refused to accord recognition to the “Fascisti” organisation in Scotland in the 1920s – see O.S., 09 1925. However, some members were obviously attracted to it and Connor warned them about its Catholic leanings as he saw them. See O.S., 06 1925.Google Scholar

³⁷ For a stimulating account of the wider political developments of the period in relation to the theme of religious tensions in Scotland, see Gallagher, T., Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace (Manchester, 1987),Google Scholar chs 3, 4 and 5. For the hunger marches specifically see MacDougall, I. (ed.), Voices from the Hunger Marches (Edinburgh, 1990).Google Scholar

³⁸ See Mitchell, J., Conservatives and the Union (Edinburgh, 1990) p. 10.Google Scholar

³⁹ See McFarland, , “The Loyal Orange Institution”, p. 407 (statement of Grand Master William Young).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Both the Catholic Relief Act and the appointment of the envoy were the work of Baldwin's Conservative Government; the 1918 Act was passed by the Lloyd George Coalition Government which was largely Conservative in makeup.

⁴¹ See, for example, O.S., 08 1923.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Ibid., May 1926.

⁴⁴ This was suggested by Alexander Ratcliffe, leader of the Scottish Protestant League, who was a prominent critic of the Orange Order leadership in the 1930s. See below, , p. 191.Google Scholar See his remarks in the SPL newspaper Vanguard (Mitchell Library Glasgow), 21 03 1934.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Election results and statistics contained in Craig, F.W.S., British Parliamentary Election Results, 1918–1949 (London, 1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁶ BWN, 19 11 1931.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ibid., 13 November 1930.

⁴⁸ Loc. cit.

⁴⁹ McCallum Scott Diaries, op. cit.

⁵⁰ See report of local elections in the ILP newspaper Forward, 13 11 1920. The correspondent called Partick a stronghold of “Carsonism”, although some of this feeling may have died down as the inter-war period wore on, and passions over the Irish issue relaxed.Google Scholar

⁵¹ A study of municipal contests in Glasgow yields similarly ambiguous evidence. In 1938, for example, the Orange vote in wards like Dennistoun, Pollokshaws, Whiteinch and Sandyford might have helped the Tories (Progressives); however, Labour won wards such as Govan, Kinning Park, Govanhill and Whitevale where this vote could also be identified as significant. See Glasgow Herald, 2 11 1938 for detailed results.Google Scholar

⁵² See O.S., 06 1923.Google Scholar

⁵³ Ibid., October 1923.

⁵⁴ Ibid., January 1924.

⁵⁵ Ibid., February 1924.

⁵⁶ Ibid., November 1926.

⁵⁷ MacDougall, (ed.). Voices from the Hunger Marches. See testimonies of Phil Gillan and Michael Clark.

⁵⁸ BWN, 3 03 1932.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See, for example, the address by Munn, Hunter reported in BWN, 14 01 1932.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See Forward, 3 02 1923.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Melling, J., Rent Strike! (Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 70–71.Google Scholar

⁶² See Forward, 23 03 1929.Google Scholar

⁶³ For Ratcliffe and the SPL see Gallagher, Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, pp. 150–158;Google ScholarBruce, S., No Pope of Rome (Edinburgh, 1985), ch. 2.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See Vanguard, 20 09 1933.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See Foster, J., “A Century of Scottish Labour”, Labour History Review, 55 (Spring 1990), pp. 64–68.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ On this point see also unpublished and unpaginated dissertation held in Mitchell Library Glasgow: W. Marshall, “The Development of the Orange Order in Scotland”.

⁶⁷ See Melling, J., “Whatever Happened to Red Clydeside?”, International Review of Social History, XXXV (1990), pp. 3–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar on skilled labour and workplace struggles; also Burgess, K., “Clydeside and the Division of Labour c. 1860–1930”, Social History, 11 (05 1986), no. 2, pp. 211–233 regarding the issue of the control of supervisors.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁸ See McGoldrick, J., “Crisis and the Division of Labour: Clydeside Shipbuilding in the Inter-War Period”, in Dickson, T. (ed.), Capital and Class in Scotland (Edinburgh, 1982), pp. 143–185.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ibid.

⁷⁰ See McKinlay, A., “Depression and Rank and File Activity: The Amalgamated Engineering Union, 1919–1939”, The Journal of the Scottish Labour History Society, 22 (1987), pp. 22–29.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Marquand, D., The Progressive Dilemma (London, 1991), ch. 5.Google Scholar

⁷² Protestant examples might be said to be Broxbum and Bo'ness in West Lothian; a Catholic example is that of Croy in Stirlingshire.

⁷³ See Gallagher, T., Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, p. 144.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See, for example, the speech by Brown, Digby S., as reported in BWN, 30 01 1930.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ BWN 16 06 1932, General Secretary's Report.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ See BWN, 15 06 1935. The General Secretary's report was still very gloomy on economic matters and no progress in relation to the welfare initiative was reported.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ This is also argued in an unpublished paper by J. Melling and I. Patterson, “Sectarianism and Socialism: William Reid and the politics of Labour in Glasgow, 1912–1965”. My thanks to the authors for permission to cite their work. See also Patterson, I., “The Impact of the Irish Revolution on the Irish Community in Scotland 1916–1923” (Litt, M., University of Strathclyde, 1991), pp. 284–289, 293, regarding Labour successes in areas such as Larkhall.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Glasgow Herald, 25 03 1929. See Gallagher, , Glasgow, p. 167.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Collins, B., “The Origins of Irish Immigration to Scotland in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries”, in Devine, T.M. (ed.), Irish Immigrants and Scottish Society, pp. 1–18.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ See examples noted by Gallagher, in his Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, p. 138.Google Scholar

⁸¹ See Brown, Callum, The Social History of Religion in Scotland since 1730 (London, 1987), pp. 237–238.Google Scholar See also Bruce, , No Pope of Rome, pp. 46–47.Google Scholar

⁸² Thomson is discussed in Gallagher, , Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace. p. 169.Google Scholar

⁸³ O.S., 08 1922.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ BWN, 26 03 1931.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Bruce, , No Pope of Rome, pp. 43–46.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ See, for example, Glasgow Herald, 1 11 1990.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ For Cormack and P.A. see Gallagher, T., Edinburgh Divided (Edinburg, 1987), passim, and Bruce, No Pope of Rome, ch. 3.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Ratcliffe was a member of the Orange Order until sometime around 1930.

⁸⁹ Gallagher, , Glasgow: the Uneasy Peace, p. 153.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ See Vanguard, 27 09 1933 and 8 11 1933. There was also friction between Protestants and Catholics on Lanarkshire Education Board over Catholic school building in 1924. See Connor's notes in O.S., 02 1924.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See Bruce, , No Pope of Rome, p. 75 for discussion of the kind of people Ratcliffe appealed to.Google Scholar

⁹² For a Scottish example of such claims see BWN, 18 09 1930 regarding the employer who claimed to have discovered his Catholic foreman hiring other Catholics on instructions from his priest.Google Scholar

⁹³ See Hepburn, A.C., “The Belfast Riots of 1935”, Social History, 15 (01 1990), pp. 75–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹⁴ See Murray, Bill. The Old Firm (Edinburgh, 1984), chs 5–7.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ BWN, 10 11 1932.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ See, for example, the report of his speech in BWN, 12 07 1934.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ibid., 19 October 1939.

⁹⁸ See Finn, “In the grip? Freemasonry in Scotland”, passim.

⁹⁹ See Gallagher, , Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, pp. 118–120, 202–203.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ See Knox, W., “Religion and the Scottish Labour Movement”, Journal of Contemporary History, 23 (1988), pp. 609–630.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰¹ Ibid. Knox makes clear that some Labour members were unhappy about Catholic influence.

¹⁰² Reported in Irish News, 5 05 1933.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Gallagher, , Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, p. 106.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Ibid., p. 124.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid.

¹⁰⁶ Gallagher, . Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, p. 106.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ See report of Grand Lodge half-yearly meeting in BWN, 18 06 1931, and also BWN, 1 09 1932 and 18 05 1933.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ See Gallagher, , Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, p. 121,Google Scholar and for Orange reaction to a speech by Phillimore (Catholic convert) see BWN, 27 11 1930.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Gallagher, , Glasgow: The Uneasy Peace, p. 121.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ See BWN, 9 11 1933, 16 11 1933 and 18 01 1934. “Ne Temere” provoked the formation of a “National Vigilance Society” on the part of Church of Scotland members.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ See Ratcliffe's comments on Watson in Vanguard, 7 02 1934.Google Scholar

¹¹² Labour too could be the victim of it. See Forward, 10 06 1933 regarding the Catholic candidate in the Gorbals division of Glasgow playing the sectarian card against the ILP.Google Scholar

¹¹³ See Knox, , “Religion and the Scottish labour movement”. Also Vanguard, editorial 6 09 1933.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ See reflections of Reverend Victor Logan on education, BWN, 20 03 1930.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Reported in BWN, 6 06 1935.Google Scholar See also Brown, CallumThe Social History of Religion, pp. 201–202.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ BWN, 26 02 1931.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Ibid., 26 June 1931.

¹¹⁸ Ibid., 13 October 1932. See also the comments of Sir Robert Horne, Unionist MP for Glasgow Hillhead, as quoted in Mitchell, , Conservatives and the Union, p. 41.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ BWN, 10 01 1929.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Ibid., 21 January 1932.

¹²¹ See article by Cloughley, Joseph, BWN, 5 12 1929.Google Scholar

¹²² Ibid., 18 October 1934.

¹²³ Ibid., 5 December 1929.

¹²⁴ McCracken, Rev. G. A. B.D., Bygone Days of Yore (Glasgow, 1990), p. 38.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ See, for example, report in BWN, 2 01 1936.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ BWN, 25 05 1933.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ See Hepburn, “The Belfast Riots of 1935”.

¹²⁸ See Moorhouse, H.F., “Shooting Stars: footballers and working class culture in twentieth century Scotland”, in Holt, R.J. (ed.), Sport and the Working Class in Modern Britain (Manchester, 1990), pp. 179–197.Google Scholar

¹²⁹ See Murray, The Old Firm. passim; also Walker, G., “The Old Firm”, History Today, 38 (10 1988), PP. 11–12.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ See O.S., 03 1927. Several Rangers players were said by Connor to be members of Lodge No. 262, “Knox's Purple Guards”.Google Scholar

¹³¹ See, for example, report of speech at Orange social by Rangers player Dougie Gray, BWN, 19 02 1931.Google Scholar

¹³² The “Junior” game was semi-professional. The teams in some localities reproduced the Old Firm rivalry, for example Benburb and St. Anthony's in the Govan area, and Blantyre Victoria and Blantyre Celtic in Blantyre in Lanarkshire.

¹³³ We can, however, be confident from literary evidence about the Orange and Green character of areas of Glasgow like Partick, Bridgeton and the Gorbals, and towns like Larkhall and Coatbridge, although research into them may reveal complex patterns of residential differentiation.