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The National Integration of European Working Classes (1871–1914)

Exploring the Causal Configuration*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 December 2008

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Seven factors that may have contributed to the national integration of the working classes in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Russia 1871–1914 are explored: the national process of capital accumulation, the international prestige of the nation, the coming of interregional connections, compulsory education, suffrage, the role of the army, and the introduction of social insurance systems. The (provisional) results of this exploration show a clustering of integration-promoting factors in Britain, Germany and France, which is to a certain extent lacking in Italy and Russia.

Type
Suggestions and Debates
Copyright
Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1988

References

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27 Eugen, Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen. The Modernization of Rural France (Stanford, Cal., 1976), p. 206.Google Scholar

28 The importance of this innovation has escaped the attention of most social historians. See, however, Weber, , Peasants into Frenchmen, pp. 219220,Google Scholar and especially David, Vincent, “Communication, Community and the State”, in Clive, Elmsley and James, Walvin (eds), Artisans, Peasants and Proletarians, 1760–1860. Essays presented to Gwyn A. Williams (London, 1985).Google Scholar

29 Industrialization was a necessary condition for the introduction of generalized compulsory education because the withdrawal from the labour process during 5 to 7 years of all children and the maintenance of primary schools requires a high level of labour productivity. This explains why German attempts to realize compulsory education during the seventeenth and eighteenth century failed. — Joachim, Lohmann, “Die Entwicklung der Halb- und Ganztagsschule”, Paedagogica Hfstorica, VI (1967), pp. 133134,Google Scholar and Karl-Heinz, Guntheret al.,Geschichte der Erziehung, 11th Ed. (Berlin, 1972), pp. 140141.Google Scholar

30 An analysis of causes in Peter, Flora, “Die Bildungsentwicklung im Prozess der Staaten- und Nationenbildung”, in Peter, Christian Ludz (ed.), Soziologie und Sozialgeschichte [= Sonderheft 16 of the Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialgeschichte], 1972.Google Scholar

31 All German states had an eight-year period of compulsory education (6 to 14 age group), except Bavaria and Württemberg (7 to 14 age group).

32 Peter, Flora, Indikatoren der Modernisierung. Ein historisches Datenhandbuch (Opladen, 1975), p. 73.Google Scholar

33 Dina, Bertoni Jovine, Storia dell'educazione populare in Italia (Bari, 1965), pp. 148167, 199214.Google Scholar

34 Michael, Kaser, “Education in Tsarist and Soviet Development”, in Abramsky, C. and Beryl, J. Williams (eds), Essays in Honour of E.H. Carr (London and Basingstoke, 1974), pp. 235236.Google Scholar

35 Marzio, Barbagli, Educating for Unemployment. Politics, Labor Markets, and the School System — Italy, 1859–1973. Translated by Robert, H. Ross (New York, 1982), p. 75.Google Scholar

36 Florinsky, (1931), quoted in William, H.E. Johnson, Russia's Educational Heritage (Pittsburgh, 1950), p. 197.Google Scholar

37 Pankratova, A.M., Istorija proletariata SSSR (Moscow, 1935), p. 168. Not all these literate workers will have learned reading in “normal” schools. Many of them probably got lessons in factory schools, with the clergy or in military service.Google Scholar

38 The following two contradictory quotes, from the Italian debate about 1840, may be considered typical:

* Il vero amico del popolo, a periodical of the Papal state, wrote in 1843: “If likewise one diffused education in minute proportions, it would inevitably happen that the people would lose their primitive ingenuity and simplicity, they would become estranged from their traditions, and they would no longer love the force of authority above all else; it is of little use to teach the people to read and write, and it can bring grievous results.”

* A memorandum addressed to the Grand Duke of Tuscany declared in 1838: “Where there is more education for the masses, the People are better-mannered, they carry out the laws that civil society constitutes and preserves, appreciating their advantages and recognizing the necessity of constraint.” — Quotes from Barbagli, , Educating for Unemployment, pp. 5152.Google Scholar

39 See, for instance, Jacques, Ozouf and Mona, Ozouf, “Le thème du Patnotisme dans les manuels primaires”, Mouvement Social, no 49(1964);Google ScholarLemmermann, H., Kriegserziehung im Kaiserreich. Studien zur politischen Funktion von Schule und Schulmusik 1890–1918 (Lilienthal and Bremen, 1984).Google Scholar

40 This can be seen in Italy: Simonetta, Soldani, “The Conflict between Church and State in Italy on Primary Education in the Period Following Unification”, in Willem, Frijhoff (ed.), L'Offre D'ecole (Paris, 1983).Google Scholar

41 See, for instance, Peter, Gstettner, Die Eroberung des Kindes durch die Wissenschaft. Aus der Geschichte der Disziplinierung (Reinbek, 1981), esp. pp. 4389.Google Scholar

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43 Booth, , Life and Labour, series 3, vol. 4, p. 202.Google Scholar Quoted in Gareth, Stedman Jones, Languages of Class. Studies in English working class history 1832–1982 (Cambridge, 1983), p.222. Jones in this connection refers to the demobilizing, “deadening effects of elementary education”.Google Scholar

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46 Naturally, I am fully aware of the fact that female suffrage was established much later. However, considering the fact that classes are structured along patriarchal family lines the extent of male suffrage might be considered as a first approximation of working-class in-volvement in parliamentary processes.

47 Table 4 gives the Social Democratic vote as a percentage of the total electorate, and not (as is more usual) as a percentage of the valid votes. This is done because in my opinion the first percentage gives a better impression of socialist influence than the second.

48 Referring to the collapse of the Second International Abendroth wrote: “Die sozialistischen Parteien, die noch nicht zu grossen, seit langem legalen Massenparteien geworden waren, blieben also im allgemeinen kriegsfeindlich, während die institutionalisierten Massenparteien sich nach dem Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkrieges fast ausnahmslos der Kriegspolitik ihrer Regierungen unterwarfen.” — Wolfgang, Abendroth, Sozialgeschichte der europäischen Arbeirerbewegung, 7th Ed. (Frankfurt, 1970), p. 83.Google Scholar

49 This distinction has been made in Morris, Janowitz, The Military in the Political Development of New Nations. An Essay in Comparative Analysis (Chicago and London, 1964), pp. 8182. Janowitz reduces the second aspect to “the symbolic value of the armed forces for the population as a whole”. However, I will argue that other secondary influences might have been relevant as well.Google Scholar

50 Military sociologists differ in their opinion on the effects of military socialization, but all seem to agree that army life exerts a discernable influence. Compare the views in Hubert, Treiber, Wie man Soldaten macht. Sozialisation in kasernierter Vergesellschaftung (Düsseldorf, 1973),Google Scholar and Albrecht, Rothacher, “On the Effects and Noneffects of Military Socialization”, Armed Forces and Society, VI (19791980), pp. 332334.Google Scholar

51 Some comparative observations on corporal punishment in the German, Austrian and Russian armies can be found in Anton, I. Denikin, The career of a tsarist officer. Memoirs, 1872–1916. An annotated translation from the Russian by Margaret, Patoski (Minneapolis, 1975), pp. 8283.Google Scholar

52 Anton, I. Denikin, Staraja Armija (Paris, 1931), pp. 142143.Google Scholar

53 Hugh, Cunningham, The Volunteer Force. A Social and Political History 1859–1908 (London, 1975), pp. 103126.Google Scholar

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55 Brian, Bond, War and Society in Europe 1870–1970 (London, 1986), p. 66.Google Scholar

56 One example. Gestrich shows in his monograph on the history of youth culture in the village of Ohmenhausen (Württemberg) how during the nineteenth century dislike of the army was replaced by enthusiasm. “Militärdienst wurde zur Ehrensache und in die gegenseitigen Abgrenzungsversuche der Jahrgänge eingebaut. Wer noch nicht Rekrut gewesen war, durfte auf der Strasse keine Soldatenlieder singen, ohne von den älteren ‘die Gosch voll’ zu kriegen.” — Andreas, Gestrich, Traditionelle Jugendkultur und Industrialisierung. Sozialgeschichte der Jugend in einer ländlichen Arbeitergemeinde Würuembergs 1800–1920 (Gōttingen, 1986), p. 124.Google Scholar

57 Allen, K. Wildman, The End of the Russian Imperial Army. The Old Army and the Soldiers' Revolt (March-April 1917) (Princeton, 1980), pp. 4041.Google ScholarCompare, Bond, War and Society, p. 68: Russia “could hardly attempt to introduce the more idealistic “civic” aspects of the nation in arms when these principles had made such little headway in civil society.”Google Scholar

58 John, Whittam, The Politics of the Italian Army 1861–1918 (London, 1977), p. 114,Google Scholar writes about a “large number of young men, especially in Sicily and the south, who evaded service.” For France see Roland, Andréani, “L'Antimilitarisme en Languedoc Méditerranéen avant la Première Guerre Mondiale”, Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine, 20 (1973).Google Scholar

59 The research in this area is not very well developed. But see e.g., Ferdinando, Cordova, Democrazia e repressione nell'Italia di fine secolo (Rome, 1983);Google ScholarDieter, Fricke, “Zur Rolle des Militarismus nach innen in Deutschland vor dem ersten Weltkrieg”, Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 6(1958);Google ScholarRoger, Geary, Policing Industrial Disputes 1893 to 1985 (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 1625.Google Scholar

60 “This sequence may tentatively be explained by the degree to which the introduction of each system represented a break with the liberal ideas concerning the assignment of guilt and responsibility among liberals, groups, and the state. […] The introduction of accident insurance or workmen's compensation constituted the least radical break with liberalism since it could be rationalized by redefining the old idea of liability for individually caused damages. […] Unemployment insurance was usually introduced last because the notion of state support for the ‘undeserving poor’ required the most radical break with liberal and patrimonial principles.” — Peter, Flora and Jens, Alber, “Modernization, Democratization, and the Development of Welfare States in Western Europe”, in Peter, Flora and Arnold, J. Heidenheimer (eds), The Development of Welfare States in Europe and America (New Brunswick and London, 1981), pp. 5052.Google Scholar

61 Hatzfeld tried to explain the slowness of French insurance development by referring to the small economic growth rates, which implied that the unemployment problem never became as urgent as it was in the neighbouring countries. — Henri, Hatzfeld, Du paupérisme í la sécurité sociale 1850–1940. Essai sur les origines de la sécurité sociale en France (Paris, 1971), p. 47.Google Scholar

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68 Thomas, Simons, “Einführung in das Recht der sozialen Sicherheit von Italien”, in Gerhard, Igi et al., Einführung in das Recht der sozialen Sicherheir von Frankreich, Gròssbritannien und Italien [ = Vierteljahresschrift für Sozialrecht, Beiheft 1] 1977, p. 353;Google ScholarSellin, , Anfänge, pp. 153154.Google Scholar On the distrust of British workers: Henry, Pelling, “The Working C1ass and the Origins of the Welfare State”, in Popular Politics and Society in Late Victorian Britain, 2nd ed. (London, 1979);Google Scholar on the distrust of French workers: Hatzfeld, , Du Paupérisme, pp. 185261.Google Scholar

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73 According to Ragin “a synthetic [comparative] strategy should embody as much of the strict comparative logic of experimental design as possible. This logic is a key feature of caseoriented comparative study. It is apparent in this strategy's concern for combinations of conditions and in its allowance for complex, conjunctural causation. According to the metatheory of this strategy, social causes often modify the effects of other causes, sometimes mutating and transforming their impact. Such causal complexity cannot be captured easily in statistical analyses, especially in additive models.” — Charles, C. Ragin, The Comparative Method. Moving Beyond Qualitative and Quantitative Strategies (Berkeley etc., 1987), pp. 8283.Google Scholar

74 The concept was perhaps for the first time introduced in Dieter, Senghaas, Aufrüstung durch Rüstungskontrolle. über den symbolischen Gebrauch von Gewalt (Stuttgart, 1972), pp. 8186.Google Scholar

75 Guenther, Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany. A Study in Working-Class Isolation and National Integration (Totowa, 1963), pp. 78.Google Scholar

76 These factors are mentioned in Leon, Trotsky, My Life. An Attempt at an Autobiography (Harmondsworth, 1975), pp. 240241,Google Scholar and in Hans-Joachim, Bieber, Gewerkschaften in Krieg und Revolution. Arbeiterbewegung, Industrie, Staat und Militär in Deutschland 1914–1920, vol. I (Hamburg, 1981), pp. 8182.Google Scholar