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Industrial Welfare and Labour Regulation in Britain at the Time of the First World War

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 December 2008

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War, it has been asserted, stimulates the development of public welfare. Increased physical and social mobility, fostered by wartime conditions, exposes social inequalities and injustices, gives rise to demands for redress and thereby encourages government to introduce social reforms. This argument implies that, in order to maintain national solidarity in the face of a common enemy, central government becomes more sensitive to external political demands and thereby more – rather than less – responsive to democratic pressure. Certainly, during the First World War, it is possible to see increased state involvement in a number of initiatives designed to effect social improvement. This article examines one of them. It aims to analyse the role of central government in stimulating the development of private industrial welfare in Britain during this period. However, as will be shown below, the growth of industrial welfare – especially in the latter part of the war – was not designed to further industrial democracy. Rather,the form it took implicitly placed new constraints on the right of organised labour to demand improvements in working conditions. Although outwardly the industrial welfare movement sponsored by government seemed to win benefits for the working man, the use of scientific method to legitimate these improvements did not imply an increase in the power of organised labour to determine working conditions.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1980

References

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16 Health of Munition Workers ' Committee, Final Report [Cd 9065] (1918), p. 3. This committee included representatives from the Board of Education, Factory Inspectorate and the Medical Research Committee as well as the Ministry of Munitions.

17 Health of Munition Workers' Committee, Conclusions (12 1918), p. 3, § III (vii).Google Scholar Confidential print in the Ministry of Reconstruction Papers 1/805, Public Record Office.

18 Correspondence on compensation for the victims of various industrial diseases is in Treasury Papers 1/12059/21319/1917, PRO, whence is derived information in this paragraph.

19 Ibid., 24 August 1916.

20 Meta Zimmeck, editor at the Public Record Office, has examined compensation case-files, and informs me that, in practice, the implementation of policy was less generous than these concessions seem to suggest.

21 Under the Police, Factories, etc. (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1916.

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29 By the end of the war, the Ministry had received Treasury sanction for the building of 152 hostel blocks and over 8000 houses and cottages (figures for August 1919), see Ministry of Munitions Papers 4/6772.

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32 History of the Ministry of Munitions, loc. cit., p. 169.

33 Ibid, pp. 176–77.

34 The Ministry's handling of contracts and keeping of accounts was chaotic and, in spite of persistent pressure to rationalise its procedure, little improvement was made by the end of the war. The extent of this mismanagement of public funds was first revealed in the Comptroller and Auditor General's Appropriation Account for 1916–17, Treasury Papers 172/831.

35 Collis, Memorandum to MrPiggott, , “Should the Ministry of Supply have a Welfare and Health Department?” (01 1919), pp. 12Google Scholar, Ministry of Munitions Papers 4/6338. After the Armistice, the future of the Ministry as a peacetime Ministry of Supply was under serious consideration.

36 These included one on techniques in scientific management, Ministry of Reconstruction Papers 1/882, and one on the employment and training of juveniles, Ministry of Reconstruction Papers 1/880.

37 See Handbook for Welfare Supervisors and Apprentice Masters, op. cit., p. 5.

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39 In this respect they echoed demands made before the war by the Home Office factory inspectorate. See, for example, the Lady Factory Inspector7ap;s Report in Annual Report of the Chief Factory Inspector for 1913 [Parliamentary Papers, 1914, XXIX]. Asa Briggs also mentions the early co-operation between Rowntree and the women's organiser MacArthur, Mary, Social Thought and Social Action, p. 121.Google Scholar

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53 Memorandum on Hours of Work, p. 1. See also note 27 and HMWC, “Causes of Fatigue in Munition Work”, Ministry of Munitions Papers 5/92/346/36.

54 Government acceptance of the 48-hour week was probably due less to the recommendations of the Medical Research Committee than to the need to keep in line with the International Labour Convention's agreement of 1919, and to respond to persistent pressure from organised labour for legislation on this point (the proposal originally came from the Provisional Joint Committee of the National Industrial Conference). However, restrictions on hours of work introduced in 1916 were justified by reference to American and British research into the effects of industrial fatigue. The point is that such research could be used to vindicate concessions made to organised labour on such questions, while simultaneously denying that workers' demands were, in themselves, legitimate.

55 Rubin, “The Origins of Industrial Tribunals”, loc. cit., p. 163.

56 The foundation and activities of the society are described in Hyde, Industry Was My Parish, ch. 8.

57 The Ministry of Labour'forts to arbitrate in the dispute are documented in Ministry of Labour Papers 2/741/T6402/1920, PRO.

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62 Ministry of Labour Papers 2/741/CS204/1920.

63 Lists of such publications appear on the covers of the Ministry of Labour Gazette by the end of the decade.

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66 See Titmuss, R. M., “Benefits in Kind”, in Income Distribution and Social Change (London, 1962).Google Scholar