^{page 426 note 1} Henry, Pelling, The Origins of the Labour Party, 1880–1900 (London 1954), p. 30Google Scholar; Chushichi, Tsuzuki H. M.Hyndman and British Socialism (Oxford 1961), p. 66Google Scholar; May, Morris, Morris, William, Artist, Writer, Socialist (Oxford 1936), II, chap. 7.Google Scholar

^{page 426 note 2} Tsuzuki, p. 67; Pelling, p. 31; Thompson, E. P., Morris, William. Romantic to Revolutionary (London 1955), p. 427.Google Scholar

^{page 426 note 3} Pelling, p. 34; Eshleman, Lloyd Wendell, A Victorian Rebel. The Life of William Morris (New York 1940), p. 248.Google Scholar

^{page 426 note 4} Pelling, p. 32.

^{page 426 note 5} Cf. Tsuzuki, p. 72; Eshleman, p. 228.

^{page 427 note 1} Eshleman, pp. 231, 248; Pelling, p. 33; Archibald, Henderson, Shaw, Bernard. Playboy and Prophet (New York 1932), p. 195Google Scholar; see also Shaw's introduction in May Morris, II, xix; and Bernard, Shaw, William Morris as I Knew Him (New York 1936), pp. 12–14.Google Scholar

^{page 427 note 2} Tsuzuki, pp. 67–68; Pelling, pp. 32–33.

^{page 427 note 3} Thompson, pp. 466, 584–85, 601.

^{page 427 note 4} ibid., pp. 466, 584–85.

^{page 427 note 5} ibid., p. 585 & n.

^{page 427 note 6} See Shaw in May Morris, II, xix; Shaw, William Morris, p. 19; Henderson, Shaw. Playboy and Prophet, p. 195.

^{page 427 note 7} Cf. Laurence, Dan H., G.B.S. and the Gazette: A Bibliographical Study, in:. The Shaw Review, III (Sept. 1960), pp. 20–26Google Scholar; Hogan, Patrick G. Jr, and Joseph, O.Baylen, G.Shaw, Bernard and W. T. Stead: An Unexplored Relationship, in: Studies in English Literature, 1500–1900 \Rice University], I (Autumn, 1961), pp. 123–26.Google Scholar

^{page 428 note 1} Hobsbawm, E. J., Bernard Shaw's Socialism, in: Science and Society, XI (Fall, 1947), p. 307Google Scholar. This study is undoubtedly the most able analysis of Shaw's Socialist theory and practice.

^{page 428 note 2} ibid., p. 308. In this direction, see also Baylen, Joseph O. and Hogan, Patrick G. Jr, G. B. Shaw's Advice to W. T. Stead on the “New Journalism”, in: Journalism Quarterly, XXXIX (Winter, 1962), pp. 1990–91.Google Scholar

^{page 428 note 3} Hobsbawm, pp. 308, 310.

^{page 428 note 4} ibid., pp. 310–11.

^{page 428 note 6} ibid., pp. 311–12.

^{page 429 note 1} Shaw to Mahon, J. L., April 13, 1885. The Socialist League Archive, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.Google Scholar

^{page 429 note 2} I am indebted to Professor Dr. A. J. C. Rüter, Director of the International Institute of Social History, and the Public Trustee and The Society of Authors in London for permission to edit and publish the correspondence of George Bernard Shaw in the Socialist League Archive in the possession of the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam. I am also grateful to Miss J. Dommisse and Mr. F.Kool of the Institute for advice and suggestions rendered in the process of preparing the Shaw correspondence for publication.

^{page 429 note 3} Hobsbawm, pp. 312–13; see also Maccoby, S., English Radicalism, 1886–1914 (London 1953). PP. 40–41 & n.Google Scholar

^{page 429 note 4} Hobsbawm, p. 312.

^{page 429 note 5} John Lincoln Mahon, a young engineer of Irish origin, was noted as a somewhat erratic zealot in the Socialist movement and a skilled open-air speaker. In 1884, he abandoned engineering to establish a shortlived publishing house for the production of “advanced” Socialist literature. After the failure of this venture in August,1884, he became a “floating agitator” in Socialist circles preaching that the possession of property was the absolute key to political power. With Andreas Scheu, Mahon founded the Scottish Land and Labour League to promote Socialism in Scotland and the North of England, and although the Scottish League affiliated with the Social Democratic Federation, Mahon was highly critical of the Federation's programme. He was a member of the cabal which challenged Hyndman's leadership in the S.D.F. and joined William Morris inseceding from the Federation. As one of the founders of the Socialist League, Mahon became its first Secretary. Thompson, pp. 405–06, 412, 512; Tsuzuki, pp. 57, 82.

^{page 430 note 1} Shaw, a member of the Malthusian and Millite Dialectical Society since 1880, lectured to the Society on “Socialism” as scheduled. It is interesting to note that at this meeting, on January 21, Shaw first made the acquaintance of Mrs. Annie Besant. (George BernardShaw Diary, Jan. 1885–July 31, 1886, in the British Library of Political and Economic Science, London.) I am grateful to Mr. Geoffrey Allen, the keeper of Manuscripts, and the Director of the libraryfor permission to consult the Shaw Diaries for 1885–1897, hereafter cited as G.B.S. Diary. On Shaw's association with the Dialectical Society, see Archibald, Henderson, Shaw, George Bernard: Man of the Century (New York 1956), pp. 136, 139.Google Scholar

^{page 430 note 2} A reference to the “Manifesto” of the Socialist League in January, 1885, calling for “a complete revolution in the basis of existing society” and the creation of a decentralized authority or a “Socialism of a Federation of Communes.” Eshleman, pp. 248–49.

^{page 430 note 3} Since Shaw made no mention of a lecture at Woolwich in his diary entry for March 22, it appears that he did not fulfil this engagement.

^{page 431 note 1} The massacre of General “Chinese” Gordon and the defenders of Khartoum in the Sudan at the hands of the Mahdi and his dervishes in late January, 1885, had shocked the British nation and evoked a popular demand that the Gladstone Government act to avenge Gordon's death and to establish Anglo-Egyptian control over the Sudan. Gladstone had reluctantly dispatched a British force (prior to Gordon's death) which had reached Khartoum only a few days too late to save Gordon and, in response to the public demand, the Prime Minister gave the impression of making posthumous amends for what seemed to the Queen and popular opinion to have been the Government's “betrayal” of Gordon. But in March and April, Gladstone took advantage of the Penjdeh crisis with Russia to reverse his earlier policy by announcing on April 13, the abandonment of plans for the occupation of the Sudan. It was the ensuing outcry in the press and in Imperialist circles against Gladstone's reversal which Shaw and other Socialists opposed as a symptom of “the degeneracy and rottenness of British imperialism…” Hobsbawm, p. 314. See also Philip, Magnus, Gladstone, . A Biography (London 1954), pp. 325–27Google Scholar; Fabunmi, L. A., The Sudan in Anglo-Egyptian Relations. A Case Study in Power Politics, 1800–1956 (London 1960), pp. 37–38, 45.Google Scholar

^{page 431 note 2} Andreas Scheu (d. 1927), an Austrian furniture designer, left-wing Socialist, and friend of Engels, was forced to flee from Vienna in 1874 and settled in Edinburgh. With J. L. Mahon, Scheu established the Scottish Land and Labour League and gained some prominence in the British Socialist movement as an impassioned and fluent orator. As a close friend and collaborator of Morris, Scheu had Morris's sympathy and support in his denunciation of Hyndman's attempt to inject anti-foreign prejudice and jingoism in the S.D.F. With Morrisand Joseph Lane, Scheu led the “left opposition” to Hyndman and challenged the latter's leadership at every turn. Their breach with the S.D.F. was, in a large measure, the result of Hyndman's intrigues against Scheu's control of the semi-autonomous Scottish Land and Labour branch of the S.D.F. and Hyndman's accusation that Scheu was more an anarchist than a Socialist. Cf. Thompson, pp. 355, 396–97, 407–08; Tsuzuki, pp. 43,58, 61, 64, 66; also Andreas, Scheu, Umsturzkeime (n. p., 1920).Google Scholar

^{page 432 note 1} Dr. Letitia Fairfield, a long-time member of the Fabian Society and a friend of Shaw, relates that Shaw was always extraordinarily sensitive to being addressed “Comrade” Shaw. Conversation with Dr. L. Fairfield, Aug. 29, 1962.

^{page 432 note 2} A reference to the much maligned Ismael Pasha (1830–1895), khedive of Egypt from 1867 to 1879. As a result of his extensive programme of reforms to benefit Egypt and the Sudan, Ismael bankrupted Egypt and he was compelled to submit his government's finances to Anglo-French control. In 1879, following a dispute with his English and French suzerains, Ismael was deposed from the khedivate. Cf. Richard, Hill, A Biographical Dictionary of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (Oxford 1951), pp. 182–83.Google Scholar

^{page 433 note 1} H. Halliday Sparling, the husband of Morris's daughter, May, replaced Mahon as Secretary of the Socialist League following Mahon's resignation from the League's Council in 1885. Cf. Eshleman, p. 252; Thompson, p. 516.

^{page 433 note 2} See report of Shaw's lecture on “The Division of Society into Classes” at Farringdon Hall in The Commonweal, I (Nov. 1885), p. 100.Google Scholar

^{page 433 note 3} Samuel Mainwaring, an engineer, was an early member of the Labour Emancipation League. A quiet and dignified man, he was involved in the pre-“Bloody Sunday” disturbances in November, 1887, and remanded for trial at the Middlesex Sessions for “obstruction” in a public thoroughfare while speaking for the Socialist League. May Morris, II, p. 240; Thompson, pp. 412, 442.

^{page 433 note 4} Shaw's diary for Nov. 22, 1885, indicates that he lectured at Leicester. G.B.S. Diary, Jan. 1885-July 31, 1886.

^{page 434 note 1} Frederick Keddell, a City clerk, was the first Secretary of the Fabian Society and a close friend of Hubert Bland. While most Fabians withdrew from the S.D.F. by January 1886, Keddell, remained with the Federation and later became its Treasurer. Tsuzuki, p. 72; Margaret, Cole, The Story of Fabian Socialism (London 1961), pp. 5, 42n.Google Scholar

^{page 434 note 2} Entries in Shaw's diary for Jan. 13, 1886, show that he “Made a speech at [the] Socialist League meeting [on] (The Political Outlook) at 13 Farringdon Rd…” On Jan. 27, he lectured at the same place on “Laissez Faire.” G.B.S. Diary, Jan.1885-July 31, 1886.

^{page 434 note 3} Shaw was finally scheduled to speak on “Points disputed among Socialists.” See The Commonweal, II (March, 1886), p. 24.

^{page 435 note 1} As he had indicated, Shaw lectured on “The Unemployed” to the Hoxton branch of the League on February 28. G.B.S. Diary, Jan. 1885—July 31, 1886.

^{page 435 note 2} The lecture was delivered as scheduled at Socialist League headquarters on Farringdon Road. ibid.

^{page 435 note 3} Shaw's lecture at Farringdon Hall was evidently cancelled and he 'spoke [instead] atBendon Road…” ibid., Aug. 1886—Nov.13, 1889.

^{page 436 note 1} There is no record in Shaw's diary of his appearance at Herne Hill on Aug.26. ibid.

^{page 436 note 2} Shaw's reply was in response to Sparling's request for a review of Goldwin Smith's pamphlet, False Hopes; or fallacies, , socialistic and semi-socialistic, briefly answered (2nd ed., London 1886), 77 ppGoogle Scholar. A search of The Commonweal does not reveal that Shaw ever undertook the task.

^{page 436 note 3} H. A. Barker, Sparling's successor as Secretary of the Socialist League, was a member of the “parliamentary” wing of the League. Cf. Thompson, p. 571; Tsuzuki, p. 85.

^{page 437 note 1} Since the Radical M. P., Charles Bradlaugh (1883–1891), had declared himself an uncompromising foe of Socialism in 1884, few within the Socialist fold were willing to attempt to match his oratorical skill in debate. But, early in 1887, the Socialist League challenged Bradlaugh to a public debate and, in recognition of Shaw's prowess on the platform and a previous brush he had had with Bradlaugh, asked Shaw to represent the League in the contest with Bradlaugh. Shaw, however, was most reluctant to meet Bradlaugh and was quite relieved when the debate did not come off because of lack of agreement (which he tacitly encouraged) with Bradlaugh over the proposition and resolution to be debated. As Shaw later recalled: “I could notrefuse the nomination in the face of the enemy, but I was greatly relieved when he imposed the condition, which I could not accept, thatI should be bound by all the manifestoes of the Social Democratic Federation. The truth is, I was afraid of his enormous personal force, to which, at my age, I could make no pretension.” Shaw's letter to the Editor published as “George Bernard Shaw and the National Secular Society” in The Freethinker, , Oct. 13, 1920, as reprinted in Champion of Liberty: Charles Bradlaugh (Centenary Volume) (London 1933), p. 50Google Scholar; see also Thompson, pp. 307, 585 & n.; Henderson, Shaw. Playboy and Prophet, p. 168Google Scholar; Henderson, Shaw: Man of the Century, p. 228.Google Scholar

^{page 437 note 2} Apparendy a reference to the “New Manifesto of the Socialist League,” issued in early 1885, which differed slightly from the League's first manifesto calling for militant revolutionary Socialism. Cf. Eshleman, pp. 249–50.

^{page 438 note 1} Cf. Charles, Bradlaugh, Socialism: Its Fallacies and Dangers, in: Our Corner, IX (March 1, 1887), pp. 129–36.Google Scholar

^{page 439 note 1} Mrs. Annie Besant (1847–1933), an intimate friend of Bradlaugh, Shaw, and W. T. Stead. She was a close collaborator of Bradlaugh in the National Secular Society until she joined the Fabian Society in 1885. At this time, she was editor of the periodical, Our Corner, which served as an organ for the dissemination of the views, opinions, and work of both Bradlaugh and Shaw. On the life and career of Mrs. Besant and her relationship with Bradlaugh and Shaw, see her Autobiography (London 1893); Arthur, Nethercot, The First Five Lives of Annie Besant (Chicago 1960), passim.Google Scholar

^{page 439 note 2} Shaw spoke from the Socialist League platform at Victoria Park on May 21, in the company of Mrs. Besant. G.B.S. Diary, Aug. 1886—Nov. 13,1889.

^{page 440 note 1} The entry in Shaw's diary for Oct. 14, 1887 records that he „Spoke at [the]Free Speech Meeting at South Place [Institute] for [the] release of [the] Chicago Anarchists…” tried for alleged charges of conspiracy and terrorism in the Haymarket riot of early May, 1886 in Chicago. G.B.S. Diary, Aug. 1886-Nov. 13, 1889. Four of the accused were hanged in November, 1887, one committed suicide in prison, two had their death sentence commuted to life imprisonment, and one was sentenced to gaol for fifteen years. Those imprisoned were later pardoned by Governor Peter Altgeld in 1893.