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Employer, Industrial Housing and the Evolution of Company Welfare Policies in Britain's Heavy Industry: West Scotland, 1870–1920*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 December 2008

Joseph Melling
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The history of working-class housing has become an imporatnt area of urban studies in recent years, as detailed investigations of building activities and property relations uncover the origins of housing initiatives. The growth of cities in the industrial North of England created their own peculiar building styles and housing problems, whilst the great metropolis of London continued to attract thousands of families into its eternal slums. There were also the new boom towns of manufacturing Britain, specialising in particular products as a regional division of productive expertise emerged. Swindon and Crewe flourished in the railway age of the nineteenth century, whilst Barrow and Jarrow belonged to a later period of iron and steel shipbuilding. The latter settlements were dominated not only by a few vital products, but by a handful of large companies with massive resources, which enabled them to undertake the housing of their first workers. These accounts may be complemented by the evidence of working-class dwellings in the early textile villages and larger industrial colonies of Lancashire and West Riding, or by the scattered documentation on the colliery villages which persisted through the major coal fields well into the twentieth century.

Type
Research Article
Information
International Review of Social History , Volume 26 , Issue 3 , December 1981 , pp. 255 - 301
Copyright
Copyright © Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis 1981

Footnotes

*

My appreciation and thanks for the encouraging advice and criticism of Keith Burgess, Sydney Checkland, Roy Hay, Alan Macgregor and the editors of this journal.

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90 Workmen's Housing Ledger. Of the nineteen agreements recorded for brick cottages, 8 were with carpenters, 7 with joiners, 1 with a riveter, blacksmith, clerk and labourer respectively. One foreman joiner, Rankine, bought three cottages and repaid almost £400 of his debt very quickly. This individual appears to be the one referred to in the Denny Jotting Books.

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113 Capital additions, ibid., which include figures for investment in equipment, docks, railways and other plant. Total additions varied between £6,542 and £68,791 in the years 1904–12, but in five years were above £54,000.

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116 Ibid.

117 CSEC, Title Deeds, pp. 65–69, for contract dated 8th March 1883, and p. 75 for map of same.

118 Ibid., pp. 91–93, giving details of contract of 2 07 1885; “The said tenements shall contain houses of not less than one room and kitchen and no dwelling house shall be let for the purpose of being occupied by more than one family and no house […] shall be erected on the back ground.”

119 CSEC, Balance Sheets, including figures enclosed in Minutes.

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121 CSEC, Title Deeds, pp. 105–17, for contract of 11 May 1897; Minutes, 24 August 1897.

122 CSEC. “Surveyor's Report” (1899), in Progress Reports, UCS 1 5/2. There were at least four three-storey tenement blocks in Union Place, all apparently of recent origins.

123 CSEC Minutes, 24 August 1897.

124 CSEC, Balance Sheets, which indicate a fall in housing valuation from £21,650 to £17,158, which itself suggests either sales or possibly transfer to private holding by the Thomson family.

125 Ibid., where additions of £4,200 brought the full valuation to almost £33,000.

126 John Browns Minutes, 22 October and 19 November 1902. 18 March 1903. Progress Reports, No 10 (1902), also gives estimation.

127 Shipyard Manager, Bell, “Memorandum on the Shortage of Ironworkers” (1914), UCS 1 23/3.

128 Ibid.

129 Ibid.

130 Ibid.

131 John Browns, Balance Sheets and capital additions entries.

132 John Browns to Ministry of Munitions, 5 October 1916.

133 John Browns to Ministry of Munitions (unsigned), February 1918, UCS 1 58/1: “only the enactment of a penal clause is likely to have a deterrent effect on ‘industrial reformers’.”

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144 NWETEA Minutes, 22 December 1914; History of the Ministry of Munitions (London, 1920), V. Pt I, p. 123.

145 NWETEA Minutes, 5 February 1917.

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147 Ibid.. see Table 2 below; Mossend modermsation alone cost an estimated £2,697.

148 Ibid., for the figure of £27, 123; “The Tower” at Dalmuir cost £1,900, for example.

149 The Dalmuir and West of Scotland Estate Company, Minute Book No 1 (1914–57), University of Glasgow Deposit 100 2, 9 July 1914.

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152 Ibid., 17 09 1914– 13 04 1915.

153 Ibid., 13 04 1915, where an estimated cost of £56,905 was provided.

154 Ibid., 27 07. The loans were apparently transacted by the parent company, though legal and administrative functions remained with the Estate Company.

155 Ibid., 15 12; Glasgow Herald 16 10.

156 Dalmuir and West Scotland Estates Minutes, 17 January – 19 June 1917.

157 Ibid., 2 12 1917 – 22 06 1918, 3 07 1919. The building programme ended effectively in autumn of 1919. See Payne, P. L., “Rationality and Personality: A Study of Mergers in the Scottish Iron and Steel Industry”, in: Business History, XIX (1977), p. 167 and passim fur the subsequent ills of the industry.Google Scholar

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159 Ibid.

160 The case of William Noble, who placed a £20 deposit for a dwelling at South View, Dalmuir, as recorded in Beardmore Balance Sheet for 1910.

161 Elliot, B. and McCrone, D., “Landlords in Edinburgh: Some Preliminary Findings”, in: Sociological Review, XXIII (1975), for a discussion of the complexities of property relations; also Rules of the Provident Property Investment Company, Miscellaneous Housing Papers, University of Glasgow Deposit 80 1/1, for one investment concern.Google Scholar

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164 Dalmuir and West Scotland Estates Minutes, 22 March 1916.

165 Ibid., 27 06.

166 The Linthouse Magazine, March 1920, indicates that of £14,45O collected at the yard in War Relief Fund contributions, almost all came from employees and £5,753 (or £40% of expenditure) went upon rent relief.

167 Beardmores, Balance Sheets, 1914–18.

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191 Dundee Courier 30 July 1919, for Rosyth Rent Strikers of 1919; it is noticeable that the “model” estate of Penistone built by Cammell Lairds also experienced serious unrest at this period, largely as a result of workplace disputes over industrial supervision.

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