^{page 115 note 1} A movement which was based on a congeries of concepts identified as völkisch and characterized by yearnings for blood and soil, myths about the Germanic community, and anti-Semitism. The elaboration of these concepts rested on the ideas of Paul de Lagarde, Julius Langbehn, Heinrich von Treitschke, Guido von List, Theodor Fritsch, Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels, among others. In the period before World War I, these notions were espoused by the German Youth Movement, the Pan-German League, and the Hammer League. After 1918, they were given new life by organizations like the German Volkisch Party, the German Völlkisch League, the German Völkisch Freedom Party, and the Thule Society. Cf. Mosse, George, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, 1964), p. 316;Google ScholarCohn, Norman, Warrant for Genocide: The Myth of Jewish World-Conspiracy and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion (London, 1967), pp. 130–135;Google ScholarDinter, Artur, Ursprung, Ziel und Weg der Deutschvölkischen Freiheitsbewegung (Weimar, 1924), pp. 5–6;Google ScholarGerstenhauer, M. R., Der völkische Gedanke in Vergangenheit und Zukunft: Aus der Geschichte der völkischen Bewegung (Leipzig, 1933), pp. 4–5;Google ScholarBroszat, Martin, “Die völkische Ideologic und der Nationalsozialismus”, in: Deutsche Rundschau, LXXXIV (1958), p. 56.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 2} In postwar Germany, the Stahlhelm was the largest organization of war veterans. Its ideology reflected the Kriegserlebnis of World War I, and, in consequence, many of its members were of the opinion that the Frontgemein-schaft of the trenches must become the model for a revivified nation. Cf. Kohn, Hans, The Mind of Germany: Education of a Nation (New York, 1960), p. 16;Google ScholarWaite, Robert G. L., Vanguard of Nazism: The Free Corps Movement in Postwar Germany, 1918–1923 (Cambridge, 1952), pp. 27ff.Google Scholar Also see Berghahn, Volker R., Der Stahlhelm: Bund der Frontsoldaten, 1918–1935 (Dusseldorf, 1966);Google ScholarSeldte, Franz, Der Stahlhelm: Erinnerungen und Bilder (2 vols, Berlin, 1932–1933).Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 3} Organized in emulation of an English political club, the Herrenklub was restricted in membership to a conservative elite who were of Christian outlook. In a very direct way, it influenced the intellectual climate of opinion on the Right through its journal, Der Ring. Cf. Schotte, Walther, Das Kabinett Papen, Schleicher, Gayl (Leipzig, 1932), p. 17;Google ScholarMuralt, Ferdinand, “Die ‘Ring’ Bewegung”, in: Hochland, XXIX (1931–1932), No 10, p. 239;Google ScholarWunderlich, Wilhelm, “Die Spinne”, in: Die Tat, XXIII (1931–1932), p. 842;Google ScholarSchulz, Gerhard, “Der ‘Nationale Klub von 1919’ zu Berlin: Zum politischen Zerfall einer Gesellschaft”, in: Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands, XI (1962), pp. 225–226.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 1} Knoll, Joachim H., “Der autoritäre Staat: Konservative Ideologie und Staats-theorie am Ende der Weimarer Republik”, in: Lebendiger Geist: Hans-Joachim Schoeps zum 50. Geburtstag von Schülern dargebracht, ed. Diwald, Hellmut (Leyden, Cologne, 1959), p. 224.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 2} Rauschning, Hermann, Revolution of Nihilism: Warning to the West, trans. Dickes, E. W. (New York, 1939), p. 113.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 3} Klemperer, Klemens von, Germany's New Conservatism: Its History and Dilemma in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, 1957), p. 203.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 116 note 4} Until it was dissolved in 1924, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck was the dominant spirit of the June Club, a neo-conservative group founded in protest against the Treaty of Versailles. His chief work, The Third Reich, decried the liberal, democratic Weimar Republic and proposed that it be supplanted by the hierarchical state based on the leadership principle. Cf. Schwierskott, Hans-Joachim, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck und der revolutionäre Nationalismus in der Weimarer Republik (Göttingen, 1962), pp. 128–130;Google ScholarBischoff, Ralph, Nazi Conquest through German Culture (Cambridge, 1942), pp. 64ff.Google Scholar; Bruck, Arthur Moeller van den, Das Dritte Reich, ed. Schwarz, Hans, 3rd ed. (Hamburg, 1931), pp. 33–39, 55–56, 67–70.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 5} Document I is a typescript (signature in ink) and is part of the collection Kanzlei des Stellvertreters des Reichskanzlers, R 53/347a, Bundesarchiv, Koblenz.

^{page 116 note 6} Document II is a typescript (signature in ink) and is part of the collection Kanzlei des Stellvertreters des Reichskanzlers, ibid.

^{page 117 note 1} Clad in brown uniforms, this paramilitary formation of the National Socialist Party was officially known as the Schutz-Abteilung (SA).

^{page 117 note 2} Shortly after Hitler's appointment to the chancellorship, Edgar Jung, one of Papen's adjutants and a leading neo-conservative theorist, still cherished the notion that the “German Revolution” had conservative as well as National Socialist roots. In consequence, he liked to think of National Socialism as the Volksbewegung of neo-conservatism. Cf. Jung, Edgar J., Sinndeutung der deutschen Revolution (Oldenburg, 1933), pp. 99–103;Google ScholarStern, Fritz, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of the Germanic Ideology (Berkeley, 1961), pp. 265–266.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 1} In the period after World War I, the Freischar was a Bund which was influenced by the views of neo-conservative intellectuals like Leopold Dingräve (pseud, for E. W. Eschmann) of the Tatkreis and by the theology of J. W. Hauer of Tübingen University. The Freischar helped to found the Staatspartei (successor to the Democratic Party) and the People's Conservative Party. Cf. Seifert, Hermann, “Politische Vorstellungen und Versuche der Deutschen Freischar”, in: Lebendiger Geist, pp. 191–195;Google ScholarO, Karl. Paetel, Jugendbewegung und Politik: Randbemerkungen (Bad Godesberg, 1961), pp. 104–135Google Scholar, passim; Laqueur, Walter Z., Young Germany: A History of the German Youth Movement (London, 1962), pp. 148–154.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 2} Eugen Bolz was a leading member of the Catholic Center Party, and for many years was its representative in both the Landtag of Württemberg and in the federal Reichstag. He served also as Staatspräsident of Württemberg. Cf. Miller, Max, Eugen Bolz: Staatsmann und Bekenner (Stuttgart, 1951), pp. 413–427Google Scholar, passim. Also see Besson, Waldemar, Württemberg und die deutsche Staatskrise 1928–1933: Eine Studie zur Auflösung der Weimarer Republik (Stuttgart, 1959).Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 1} A newspaper which was published by the similarly named organization of war veterans.

^{page 119 note 2} See p. 115, note 2.

^{page 119 note 3} Field Marshal Werner von Blomberg was the minister for defense in the government which Hitler headed after January 30, 1933. Because of his enthusiasm for the new regime, he was quickly dubbed by the public as “Hitler-Junge Quex”, from a film of that name which depicted the intensely loyal way in which a teenager in the Hitler Youth furthered the Nazi cause. Blomberg was also instrumental in helping to effect the encompassment of the Brown Shirts in the “Blood Purge” of June 30, 1934. Cf. Wheeler-Bennett, John W., The Nemesis of Power: The German Army in Politics, 1918–1945, 2nd ed. (London, 1964), pp. 296–324, passim.Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 4} Of eleven posts, only three were in the hands of Nazis during the early months of Hitler's regime. And, the most prominent German Nationalist in the cabinet was Dr Alfred Hugenberg, who headed both the ministries for economics and food resources. Moreover, in the national election on March 5, 1933, the Nazis won the slimmest of majorities in the Reichstag only because the German Nationalists were willing to support them. Cf. the biographical notes of Heinrich Class (written in 1936), reprinted in: Schlabrendorff, Fabian von, The Secret War against Hitler, trans. Simon, Hilda (New York, 1965), pp. 353–354.Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 5} Ernst Röhm, an old party member, was the leader of the Brown Shirts.

^{page 121 note 1} Although Oswald Spengler did not hold membership in any of the neo-conservative organizations, intellectually he was in tune with them. Like them, he hated democracy and the bourgeoisie, but admired Prussian socialism. Cf. Spengler, Oswald, Der Untergang des Abendlandes: Umrisse einer Morphologic der Weltgeschichte (2 vols, Munich, 1920–1922), II, pp. 446–509Google Scholar, passim; Preussentum und Sozialismus, 2nd ed. (Munich, 1921), pp. 3, 96–99.Google Scholar

^{page 124 note 1} The notion that Jews were able to infect the collective bloodstream of Germans with injurious bacillae became an integral part of völkisch ideology. Indeed, Paul de Lagarde, one of the early exponents of this idea, taught that Jews secreted a poison which he named “judain”. After World War I, this idea was repeated in the countless tracts and books of numerous völkisch organizations. Cf. Lagarde, Paul de, “Über das Verhältnis des deutschen Staates zu Theologie, Kirche und Religion”, in Deutsche Schriften, 4th ed. (Göttingen, 1903), p. 58;Google ScholarLiek, Walter, “Auf Ahasvers Spuren”, in: Deutschlands Erneuerung, III (1919), pp. 848, 862;Google Scholar Dinter, op. cit., pp. 5–6. Also see Bein, Alexander, “‘Der jüdische Parasit’: Bemerkungen zur Semantik der Judenfrage”, in: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, XIII (1965), p. 122;Google ScholarVerschuer, Otmar von, “Rassenbiologie der Juden”, in: Forschungen zur Judenfrage, III (1938), pp. 141–146.Google Scholar

^{page 124 note 2} The boycott of Jewish merchants and professional persons was put into operation by the Nazi Party at 10 o'clock in the morning on April 1, 1933. Cf. memorandum of March 30, 1933 by Hans Dieckhoff, Referat Deutschland, Fach 15, Az. P05 N.E., adh. 2, Allg., Boykottabwehr, Bd I, Politisches Archiv, Bonn.

^{page 125 note 1} Otto Amnion wrote many works on anthropology and sociology. He is best remembered for Die Gesellschaftsordnung und ihre natürliche Grundlagen (1895).

^{page 125 note 2} Sir Francis Galton was a British biologist and the founder of eugenics. He was interested particularly in the heritability of genius. He was convinced that immense improvement of the human species could be achieved if the best were to breed and the worst were not to do so.

^{page 126 note 1} A specialist in anatomy and botany, Georg R. Böhmer lived in Württemberg.