¹ Thompson, E.P., The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1963)Google Scholar. For anthologies of Gutman's writings, see Gutman, Herbert G., Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America: Essays in American Working-Class and Social History (New York, 1976)Google Scholar; idem, Power and Culture: Essays on the American Working Class, ed. Berlin, Ira (New York, 1987)Google Scholar. Important examples of the new scholarship on black workers include Trotter, Joe William Jr, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1914–45 (Urbana, 1985)Google Scholar; idem, Coal, Class, and Color: Blacks in Southern West Virginia, 1915–32 (Urbana, 1990); Lewis, Earl, In Their Own Interests: Race, Class, and Power in Twentieth-Century Norfolk, Virginia (Berkeley, 1991)Google Scholar; Arnesen, Eric, Waterfront Workers of New Orleans: Race, Class, and Politics, 1863–1923 (New York, 1991)Google Scholar; idem, “Following the Color Line of Labor: Black Workers and the Labor Movement before 1930”, Radical History Review, 55 (1993), pp. 43–87; Kelley, Robin D.G., “‘We Are Not What We Seem’: Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South”, Journal of American History, 80 (1993), pp. 75–112CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class (New York, 1994); Tera W. Hunter, To “Joy My Freedom”: Women Workers' Odyssey of Hope and Struggle in the Postwar Urban South (Cambridge, forthcoming).

² Nelson, Bruce, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen, and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana, 1988), pp. 3–4Google Scholar.

³ Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, pp. 9–13; Cox, Oliver Cromwell, Caste, Class, and Race: A Study in Social Dynamics (1948Google Scholar; rpt. New York, 1970), p. 470; Roediger, David R., The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London, 1991), p. 9Google Scholar.

⁴ Hill, Herbert, “Race, Ethnicity and Organized Labor: The Opposition to Affirmative Action”, New Politics, new ser., 1 (1987), pp. 31–82Google Scholar; idem, “Black Workers, Organized Labor, and Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act: Legislative History and Litigation Record”, in Hill, Herbert and Jones, James E. Jr, (eds), Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison, 1993), pp. 263–341Google Scholar; Norrell, Robert J., “Caste in Steel: Jim Crow Careers in Birmingham, Alabama”, Journal of American History, 73 (1986), pp. 669–694CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Labor at the Ballot Box: Alabama Politics from the New Deal to the Dixiecrat Movement”, Journal of Southern History, 57 (1991), pp. 201–234; Roediger, David, “Labor in White Skin: Race and Working Class History”, in Davis, Mike and Sprinkler, Michael (eds), Reshaping the US Left: Popular Struggles in the 1980s (London, 1988), pp. 287–308Google Scholar; Saxton, Alexander, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (London, 1990), esp. pp. 293–319Google Scholar. For the work of Kelley, Lewis and Trotter, see the citations in note 1 above. See also Arnesen, Eric, “‘Like Banquo's Ghost, It Will Not Down’: The Race Question and the American Railroad Brotherhoods, 1880–1920”, American Historical Review, 99 (1994), pp. 1601–1633CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McKiven, Henry M. Jr, Iron and Steel: Class, Race, and Community in Birmingham, Alabama, 1875–1920 (Chapel Hill, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Goldfield, Michael, “Race and the CIO: Reply to Critics”, International Labor and Working-Class History, 46 (1994), p. 148CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Lichtenstein, Nelson, “Life at the Rouge: A Cycle of Workers' Control”, in Stephenson, Charles and Asher, Robert (eds), Life and Labor: Dimensions of Working-Class History (Albany, 1986), p. 245Google Scholar; Cohen, Lizabeth, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919–1939 (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 335, 337Google Scholar.

⁷ Lichtenstein, Nelson, “From Corporatism to Collective Bargaining: Organized Labor and the Eclipse of Social Democracy in the Postwar Era”, in Fraser, Steve and Gerstle, Gary (eds), The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980 (Princeton, 1989), pp. 122–152Google Scholar; Ira Katznelson, “Was the Great Society a Lost Opportunity?”, in ibid., pp. 185–211; Weir, Margaret, Orloff, Ann Shola and Skocpol, Theda (eds), The Politics of Social Policy in the United States (Princeton, 1988)Google Scholar. On the failure of Operation Dixie, see Griffith, Barbara S., The Crisis of American Labor: Operation Dixie and the Defeat of the CIO (Philadelphia, 1988)Google Scholar; Honey, Michael and Barkin, Samuel, “‘Operation Dixie’: Two Points of View”, Labor History, 31 (1990), pp. 373–385Google Scholar; and the excellent summation in Zieger, Robert H., The CIO, 1935–1955 (Chapel Hill, 1995), pp. 227–241Google Scholar.

⁸ Korstad, Robert and Lichtenstein, Nelson, “Opportunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement”, Journal of American History, 75 (1988), pp. 786–811CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Honey, Michael K., Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Urbana, 1993), pp. 213Google Scholar, 227, 230, 283.

⁹ Ibid., pp. 83, 155, 163–164, 171, 179–184, 226–227; Nelson, Bruce, “Organized Labor and the Struggle for Black Equality in Mobile during World War II”, Journal of American History, 80 (1993), p. 976CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Taft, Philip, Organizing Dixie: Alabama Workers in the Industrial Era (Westport, 1981), p. 106Google Scholar; Griffith, The Crisis of American Labor, p. 79; Norrell, “Caste in Steel”, p. 680.

¹⁰ Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights, pp. 201, 280; Norrell, “Caste in Steel”, p. 677.

¹¹ In a similar critique of Honey's argument, George Fredrickson concludes that “the effort to create a unified black-and-white labor movement in the South was doomed from the start, and anti-communism was simply a convenient vehicle for the expression o! the deeply rooted white supremacist convictions that white workers shared with their employers”. Fredrickson, George M., “Red, Black, and White”, New York Review of-Books, 8 06 1995, pp. 33–35Google Scholar, 38, quoted on p. 35.

¹² Korstad, Karl, “Black and White Together: Organizing in the South with the Food, Tobacco, Agricultural & Allied Workers Union (FTA-CIO), 1946–1952”, in Rosswurm, Steve (ed.), The CIO's Left-Led Unions (New Brunswick, 1992), pp. 69–94Google Scholar, quoted on pp. 88, 94. See also Draper, Alan, Conflict of Interests: Organized Labor and the Civil Rights Movement in the South, 1954–1968 (Ithaca, 1994), p. 12Google Scholar.

¹³ Wellman, David T., Portraits of White Racism, 2nd ed. (New York, 1993), p. 210CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the character and limits of the northern white consensus on behalf of racial change in the mid-1960s, see Bloom, Jack M., Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement (Bloomington, 1987), pp. 155–213Google Scholar; and Gary Orfield, “Race and the Liberal Agenda: The Loss of the Integrationist Dream, 1965–1974”, in Weir et al., The Politics of Social Policy fn the United States, pp. 313–355.

¹⁴ Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront; Kimeldorf, Howard, Reds or Rackets? The Making of Radical and Conservative Unions on the Waterfront (Berkeley, 1988)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Nancy Quam-Wickham, “Who Controls the Hiring Hall? The Struggle for Job Control in the ILWU during World War II”, in Rosswurm, The CIO's Left-Led Unions, p. 67. I have expanded on this theme at length in “Harry Bridges, the ILWU, and Race Relations in the CIO Era”, Working Paper No. 2, Occasional Paper Series, Center for Labor Studies, University of Washington (Seattle, 1995); and at greater length in “The ‘Lords of the Docks’ Reconsidered: Race Relations among West Coast Longshoremen, 1933–1961”, in Calvin Winslow (ed.), Essays in Waterfront Labor History (Urbana, forthcoming).

¹⁶ Nelson, “Harry Bridges, the ILWU, and Race Relations in the CIO Era”, p. 17. On the TWU, see Freeman, Joshua B., In Transit: The Transport Workers Union in New York City, 1933–1966 (New York, 1989), pp. 26–27Google Scholar, 30, 154–156; and Meier, August and Rudwick, Elliott, “Communist Unions and the Black Community: the Case of the Transport Workers Union, 1934–1944”, Labor History, 23 (1982), pp. 165–197CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Meier and Rudwick conclude, “The TWU's early history demonstrates that the response of a Communist-dominated union leadership to race discrimination in the job market was anything but simple. That leadership, regardless of its ideals, was dependent for survival in office on a white membership characterized by pervasive prejudices”: ibid., p. 195. See also Naison, Mark, Communists in Harlem during the Depression (Urbana, 1983), p. 265Google Scholar; and Lichtenstein, Alex, “Labor Radicalism, Race Relations, and Anticommunism in Miami During the 1940s” (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians, Washington, DC, 30 03 1995)Google Scholar, a study of the TWU's largest local outside New York City.

¹⁷ Boyle, Kevin, The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945–1968 (Ithaca, 1995), pp. 107–131Google Scholar, quoted on p. 117. In a recent article, Boyle offers a more positive, numerically precise, and formulaic assessment of the UAW's record. He states that “when the International enjoyed substantial leverage over its regional staff and local officials, it broke the color line, though political considerations often dictated just how quickly it did so. When the International did not enjoy such leverage [i.e. in the Deep South, and among skilled tradesmen], the color line remained intact.” Boyle estimates that workers in the Deep South constituted 5 per cent of the UAW membership; and skilled tradesmen, 15 per cent: Boyle, Kevin, “‘There Are No Union Sorrows that the Union Can't Heal’: The Struggle for Racial Equality in the United Auto Workers, 1940–1960”, Labor History, 36 (1995), pp. 5–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quoted on p. 17. For a critical portrayal of the UAW's record on race at Chrysler's Dodge Main plant in Hamtramck, Michigan, during the Reuther era, see Jefferys, Steve, Management and Managed: Fifty Years of Crisis at Chrysler (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 162–187Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Sugrue, Thomas J., “Crabgrass-Roots Politics: Race, Rights, and the Reaction against Liberalism in the Urban North, 1940–1964”, Journal of American History, 82 (1995), pp. 551–578CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quoted on p. 578; idem, “The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race, Industrial Decline, and Housing in Detroit, 1940–1960” (Ph.D., Harvard University, 1992), p. 185. Hirsch, Arnold R. offers an equally powerful refutation of the conventional wisdom on the origins of white backlash in the North in “Massive Resistance in the Urban North: Trumbull Park, Chicago, 1953–1966”, Journal of American History, 82 (1995), pp. 522–550CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Sugrue, “Crabgrass-Roots Politics”, p. 578.

²⁰ Ibid., quoted o n pp. 571, 556; Kornhauser, Arthur, Detroit as the People See It: A Survey of Attitudes in an Industrial City (Detroit, 1952), pp. 87, 90, 91Google Scholar.

²¹ Nelson, “Harry Bridges, the ILWU, and Race Relations in the CIO Era”, pp. 16–17; Halpern, Rick, “Interracial Unionism in the Southwest: Fort Worth's Packinghouse Workers, 1937–1954”, in Zieger, Robert (ed.), Organized Labor in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville, 1991), pp. 158–182Google Scholar, quoted on p. 176. See also Halpern, Rick, “The CIO and the Limits of Labor-based Civil Rights Activism: The Case of Louisiana's Sugar Workers, 1947–1966” (paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians, Washington, DC, 30 03 1995)Google Scholar; and idem, Down on the Killing Floor: Black and White Workers in Chicago's Packinghouses, 1904–1954 (Urbana, forthcoming).

²² Goldfield, Michael, “Race and the CIO: The Possibilities for Racial Egalitarianism during the 1930s and 1940s”, International Labor and Working-Class History, 44 (1993), pp. 1–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quoted on p. 11.

²³ Trewhitt, Henry L., “Southern Unions and the Integration Issue”, Reporter, 4 10 1956, p. 27Google Scholar. For scholarly studies that emphasize the commitment of union leaders to racial equality in the face of white rank-and-file resistance, see Meier, August and Rudwick, Elliott, Black Detroit and the Rise of the UAW (New York, 1979)Google Scholar; Judith Stein, “Southern Workers in National Unions: Birmingham Steelworkers, 1936–1951”, in Zieger, Organized Labor in the Twentieth-Century South, pp. 183–222; Draper, Conflict of Interests.

²⁴ Friedlander, Peter, The Emergence of a UAW Local, 1936–1939: A Study in Class and Culture (Pittsburgh, 1975)Google Scholar. Important examples of the New Left critique of CIO unionism include Radosh, Ronald, “The Corporate Ideology of American Labor Leaders from Gompers to Hillman”, in Weinstein, James and Eakins, David W. (eds), For a New America (New York, 1970), pp. 125–152Google Scholar; Brecher, Jeremy, Strike! (San Francisco, 1972)Google Scholar; Lynd, Staughton, “The Possibility of Radicalism in the Early 1930s: The Case of Steel”, Radical America, 6 (1972), pp. 37–64Google Scholar; Lynd, Alice and Lynd, Staughton, Rank and File: Personal. Histories by Working-Class Organizers (Boston, 1973)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Friedlander, The Emergence of a UAW Local, p. 131.

²⁶ For a provocative summary of these studies, see Dubofsky, Melvyn, “Not So Turbulent Years': Another Look at the American 1930s”, Amerikastitdien, 24 (1979), pp. 5–20Google Scholar.

²⁷ Fraser, Steven, Labor Will Rule: Sidney Hillman and the Rise of American Labor (New York, 1991), p. 408Google Scholar. See also idem, “The ‘Labor Question’”, in Fraser and Gerstle, The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, pp. 55–84. Other important studies which demonstrate that the leadership of the CIO was at odds with the localist, often militant, shop-floor unionism of the rank and file include Lichtenstein, Nelson, “Auto Worker Militancy and the Structure of Factory Life, 1937–1955”, Journal of American History, 67 (1980), pp. 335–353CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Labor's War at Home: Vie CIO in World War II (Cambridge, 1982), esp. pp. 110–135, 178–202; Nelson, Daniel, “Origins of the Sit-Down Era: Worker Militancy and Innovation in the Rubber Industry, 1934–38”, Labor History, 23 (1982), pp. 198–225CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Edsforth, Ronald, Class Conflict and Cultural Consensus: Tlie Making of a Mass Consumer Society in Flint, Michigan (New Brunswick, 1987), pp. 176–219Google Scholar; Lipsitz, George, Rainbow at Midnight: Labor and Culture in the 1940s, revised ed. (Urbana, 1994)Google Scholar.

²⁸ In a provocative and insightful response to Michael Goldfield's article cited in note 22, Gary Gerstle argues that in assessing white working-class resistance to black demands for equality, historians must “broaden the focus”, and take into account not only the neighbor-hood as well as the workplace, but also white “fears of sexual mixing and its consequences”. See Gerstle, Gary, “Working-Qass Racism: Broaden the Focus”, International Labor and Working-Class History, 44 (1993), pp. 33–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quoted on p. 35; Hirsch, Arnold R., Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (New York, 1983), pp. 68–99, 171–211Google Scholar, quoted on p. 196; Greenberg quoted in Edsall, Thomas Byrne with Edsall, Mary D., Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York, 1991), p. 182Google Scholar.

²⁹ Dickerson, Dennis C., Out of the Crucible: Black Steelworkers in Western Pennsylvania, 1875–1980 (Albany, 1986), p. 190Google Scholar; Bruce Nelson, “‘CIO Meant One Thing for the Whites and Another Thing for Us’”: Steelworkers and Civil Rights, 1936–1974”, in Robert H. Zieger (ed.), Essays in Recent Southern Labor History (Knoxville, forthcoming); Hill, “Race, Ethnicity, and Organized Labor”, pp. 68–70. See also Hinshaw, John, “Dialectic of Division: Race and Power among Western Pennsylvania Steelworkers, 1935–1975”. (Ph.D., Carnegie-Mellon University, 1995)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Greenberg, Stanley B., Race and State in Capitalist Development: Comparative Perspectives (New Haven, 1980), pp. 348–349Google Scholar; Nelson, “Organized Labor and the Struggle for Black Equality in Mobile during World War II”, p. 988.

³¹ Almaguer, Tomas, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy in California (Berkeley, 1994), pp. 12, 9Google Scholar. In regard to the definition of groups as “white” or “nonwhite”, James Barrett and David Roediger have begun to explore the process by which immigrants from southern and eastern Europe shed their status as “inbetween people” and gradually became white. In doing so, they have added another – vitally important – layer of complexity to the study of race and ethnicity in American history. See Barrett, James and Roediger, David, “Inbetween Peoples: Race, Nationality, and the New Immigrant Working Class” (paper presented at the Commonwealth Fund Conference, University College London, 18 02 1995)Google Scholar; and Roediger, David R., “Whiteness and Ethnicity in the History of ‘White Ethnics’ in the United States”, in Roediger, , Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Politics, and Working Class History (London, 1994), pp. 181–198Google Scholar. For provocative studies of how Irish immigrants laid claim to the wages of whiteness, see Allen, Theodore W., The Invention of the White Race, vol. 1: Racial Oppression and Social Control (London, 1994)Google Scholar, and Ignatiev, Noel, How the Irish Became White (New York, 1995)Google Scholar.

³² Friday, Chris, Organizing Asian American Labor: Vie Pacific Coast Canned-Salmon Industry, 1870–1942 (Philadelphia, 1994)Google Scholar; Garcia, Mario T., “Border Proletarians: Mexican-Americans and the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers, 1939–1946”, in Asher, Robert and Stephenson, Charles (eds), Labor Divided: Race and Ethnicity in United States Labor Struggles, 1835–1960 (Albany, 1990), pp. 83–104Google Scholar; Ruiz, Vicki L., Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930–1950 (Albuquerque, 1987)Google Scholar; Vargas, Zaragosa, Proletarians of the North: A History of Mexican Industrial Workers in Detroit and the Midwest, 1917–1933 (Berkeley, 1993)Google Scholar. For useful introductions to the literature on Asian and Latina and Latino workers, see Friday, Chris, “Asian American Labor and Historical Interpretation”, Labor History, 35 (1995), pp. 524–546CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Camille Guerin-Gonzales, “Conversing Across Boundaries of Race, Ethnicity, Class, Gender, and Region: Latino and Latina Labor History”, ibid., pp. 547–563.

³³ Nelson, “The ‘Lords of the Docks’ Reconsidered”.

³⁴ Ibid.; Romo, Ricardo, East Los Angeles: History of a Barrio (Austin, 1983), p. 170Google Scholar; Sanchez, George J., Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900–1945 (New York, 1993)Google Scholar.

³⁵ On the development of a labor market “niche” as a means of furthering the economic status and security of an ethnic group, see Modell, Suzanne, “The Ethnic Niche and the Structure of Opportunity: Immigrants and Minorities in New York”, in Katz, Michael B. (ed.), The “Underclass” Debate: Views from History (Princeton, 1993), pp. 161–193Google Scholar. To my knowledge, the relationship between black and Mexican workers is largely unexplored territory. Zaragosa Vargas emphasizes the common experience of discrimination, but also the competition between Mexicans and African Americans, in Proletarians of the North, pp. 86–123. Vicki Ruiz offers some dramatic examples of solidarity among blacks, Mexicans, and whites in Cannery Women, Cannery Lives.

³⁶ Harris, Alice Kessler, “Treating the Male as ‘Other’: Re-defining the Parameters of Labor History”, Labor History, 34 (1993), pp. 190–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar, quoted on p. 192; Cooper, Patricia, “The Faces of Gender: Sex Segregation and Work Relations at Philco, 1928–1938”, in Baron, Ava (ed.), Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor (Ithaca, 1991), pp. 320–350Google Scholar; Fehn, Bruce, “‘Chickens Come Home to Roost’: Industrial Reorganization, Seniority, and Gender Conflict in the United Packinghouse Workers of America, 1955–1966”, Labor History, 34 (1993), pp. 324–341CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gabin, Nancy, Feminism in the Labor Movement: Women and the United Auto Workers, 1935–1975 (Ithaca, 1990)Google Scholar; Milkman, Ruth, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana, 1987)Google Scholar; Strom, Sharon Hartman, “Challenging ‘Woman's Place’: Feminism, the Left, and Industrial Unionism in the 1930s”, Feminist Studies, 9 (1983), pp. 359–386CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “‘We're No Kitty Foyles’: Organizing Office Workers for the Congress of Industrial Organizations, 1937–1950”, in Milkman, Ruth (ed.), Women, Work, and Protest: A Century of U.S. Women's Labor History (Boston, 1985), pp. 206–234Google Scholar. See also Faue, Elizabeth, Community of Suffering and Struggle: Women, Men, and the Labor Movement in Minneapolis, 1915–1945 (Chapel Hill, 1991)Google Scholar; and Labor History, 34 (1993), a special issue edited by Elizabeth Faue and devoted entirely to the theme of “Gender and the Reconstruction of Labor History”.

³⁷ Zieger, The CIO, p. 350. Some CIO unions, especially those with Left leadership and a large percentage of female members, had a much better record on women's issues than others. Vicki Ruiz offers a positive assessment of the Left-led United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers (UCAPAWA) in Cannery Women, Cannery Lives, pp. 87–102; and Mark McColloch does the same for the United Electrical Workers (UE) in “The Shop-Floor Dimension of Union Rivalry: The Case of Westinghouse in the 1950s”, in The ClO's Left-Led Unions, pp. 183–199.

³⁸ Hall, Jacquelyn Dowd, “‘The Mind that Bums in Each Body’: Women, Rape, and Racial Violence”, in Snitow, Ann, Stansell, Christine and Thompson, Sharon (eds), Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality (New York, 1983), pp. 328–349Google Scholar; Fredrickson, George M., The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817–1914 (1971Google Scholar; rpt. Middletown, 1987), pp. 273–282; Williamson, Joel, The Crucible of Race: Black/White Relations in the American South since Emancipation (New York, 1984)Google Scholar; MacLean, Nancy, “The Leo Frank Case Reconsidered: Gender and Sexual Politics in the Making of Reactionary Populism”, Journal of American History, 78 (1991), pp. 917–948CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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