Page 253 note 1 Hesiod, Works and Days, 156 et seq.

Page 254 note 1 Ibid.

Page 254 note 2 Od. xvi, 294; xix, 13.

Page 254 note 3 “Gray” iron, od. ix, 395; “flaming” iron, od. i, 184; iron axes, Il. xxiii, 850; “self-smelted” or “self-poured” – i.e., probably meteoric iron (but see Myres, John L., Who Were the Greeks?, Vol. VI: Sather Classical Lectures [Berkeley: The University of California Press, 1950], p. 442Google Scholar, and Rickard, J. A., “The Primitive Smelting of Iron”, American Journal of Archeology, XLIII, No. 1 [January-March, 1939], pp. 85–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar); Il. xxiii, 826; iron knife, Il. xviii, 34; iron mace or club – wielded by a hero whose skill with this most unusual weapon brought him fame, Il. vii, 141; iron etters, Od. i, 204; iron gates – of the nether world, and hence perhaps not thought of as an ordinary metal, Il. vii, 15; iron chariot axle — of the goddess Hera, hence probably “precious” iron, Il. v, 623.

Iron is mentioned, counting adjectival and compound forms (Winspear, Alban Dawes, The Genesis of Plato's Thought [New York: The Dryden Press, Inc., 1940], p. 313Google Scholar, note 10), 22 times in the Iliad, 25 in the Odyssey. This leads Winspear to say, “Iron is mentioned slightly more often in the Odyssey than in the Iliad” (The Genesis of Plato's Thought, p. 20). This is correct enough, but what Winspear fails to take full account of is the proportional mention; on this basis iron is mentioned four times as often in the Odyssey. Let us give these proportions: in the Iliad and Odyssey combined, iron accounts for almost 9 per cent of the references; in the Iliad alone, slightly more than 5 per cent; in the Odyssey alone, a trifle more than 20 per cent.

Note, now, that even if one were disposed to grant Myres' contention (Who Were the Greeks?, p. 435), that from bronze to iron “the transition is now known to have been gradual, and to have been more rapid in some districts than in others” – and the present writer is certainly disposed to grant it, for “ages” do not start on schedule – it is still true that the Iliad, generally acknowledged to be the earlier part of the Homeric Epic (see end of note 5), grants little place to iron except as a rare or even precious metal. Bronze is mentioned almost twenty times as often. Cf. Taeger, Fritz, Das Altertum (4th ed.; Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1950), p. 152.Google Scholar

For further discussions of iron in Homer, see Milsson, Martin P., Homer and Mycenae (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd. 1933), p. 139Google Scholar and the articles and books he cites in footnote 5; Toynbee, Arnold J., A Study of History (2nd ed.; London: Humphrey Milford, 1935), III, p. 161Google Scholar; Burn, A. R., Minoans, Philistines and Greeks (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1930), pp. 226–227Google Scholar; Léon, Robin, Greek Thought and the Origins of the Scientific Spirit (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1928), p. 75Google Scholarand footnote 1; Semple, E. C., The Geography of the Mediterranean Region (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1931), pp. 684–685.Google Scholar

Page 255 note 1 The arguments of Myres (Who Were the Greeks?, pp. 426–45) are interesting, but in spite of the great weight of his authority, not convincing to the present writer. His failure to convince lies in his assumption that the Homeric Epic deals with the coming of the Dorians as well as with the raids of the Achaeans and their contemporaries, and the whole weight of evidence goes to show that the Dorians play an altogether minor role, if any at all, in the Epic. (See Pendlebury, J. D. S., The Archeology of Crete [London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1939], p. 260Google Scholar and note 4). But see Myres, loc. cit., and the copious notes, pp. 582–95.

Incidentally, it should perhaps be mentioned here that reference to “Homer”, “the Homeric Epic”, etc., does not yet commit the present writer to a definite position with regard to the much-belabored “Homeric question”. Such a position will eventually have to be taken, though with much reluctance and even diffidence, and at any rate not in this article.

Page 255 note 2 Il. xvi, 761, 803, 819, 821, 862; xxii, 225, 275, 328, 367. Iron is not referred to at all.

Page 255 note 3 Myres, op. cit., pp. 426–45, 582–95. The collection of evidence is very full, and Myres' judgment carries great weight, but nevertheless his inferences are sometimes hard to follow. The reader is asked to take account of the notes above.

Page 255 note 4 Here the great names of Near-Eastern and southwest European archeology appear: Schliemann, Dörpfeld, Wace, Müller, Karo, Evans, Mackenzie, Hawes, Blegen, Chapoutier, Roussel, Frödin, Persson, Hall, Matz, and others have added a whole new dimension to our knowledge of the pre-Hellenic world. For the general reader, one of the best surveys is Hall, H. R., The Civilisation of Greece in the Bronze Age, The Rhind Lectures, 1923 (New York: National Book Buyers' Service [R. V. Coleman], 1928)Google Scholar, abounding in well-chosen illustrations; more specialized, but fascinating in its exact detail, is Pendlebury, op. cit. For those who wish to spend more time, and are content with the greatest of the palaces only, nothing surpasses or even approaches the marvelous treatise by Evans, Sir Arthur, The Palace of Minos (London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1921–1935)Google Scholar, with its four superbly illustrated volumes and its precise index.

A convenient summary of European archeology for this period in general, putting Crete in its total setting, is Hawkes, C. F. C., The Prehistoric Foundations of Europe to the Mycenaean Age (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1940).Google Scholar This book is a little too technical for easy general reading; the patient student, however, will find it rewarding. The same may be said of Childe, V. Gordon, The Dawn of European Civilization (2nd. ed.; New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1939).Google Scholar

Page 256 note 1 Glotz, Gustave, The Aegean Civilization (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1925), pp. 394–395Google Scholar; Murray, Gilbert, The Rise of the Greek Epic (3rd. ed.; Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1924) p. 51.Google Scholar

Page 256 note 2 Hall, op. cit., map at end. It is hoped that the reader will not judge our failure to discuss the Cycladic culture too harshly; space does not permit. A convenient summary is provided by Childe, op. cit., pp. 48–57.

Page 256 note 3 Ibid., passim.; Glotz, op. cit., passim.

Page 257 note 1 Mosso, Angelo, The Dawn of Mediterranean Civilization, trans, by Marian, C. Harrison (London: T. Fisher Unwin and Co., 1910), pp. 11–43Google Scholar; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 269–70, and the numerous references there given; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 269–70, and the numerous references there given; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 385–88; Kober, Alice E., “The Minoan Scripts: Fact and Theory,” American Journal of Archeology, LII, No. 1 (January-March, 1948), pp. 82–103.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Naturally, there is much hope that the Pylos tablets, discovered by Blegen and first deciphered by Ventris, Michael and Chadwick, John, “Evidence for Greek Dialect in the Mycenaean Archives”, Journal of Hellenic Studies, LXXIII, 1953Google Scholar, will give a clue to the Minoan language. Thus far only Linear Script B has been deciphered, and that only on the Pylos tablets; those of Crete proper still resist. After the startling Ventris-Chadwick discovery that Linear Script B on the Pylos tablets uses proto-Greek (called “proto-Achaean” by the decipherers), it is a bit risky to state that the Cretan tablets are probably in a non-Indo-European language. Still, the fact that Linear Script A has not been deciphered on the Pylos tablets, and neither A nor B on the Cretan, makes the “non-Indo-European” assumption plausible, although by no means certain.

Page 257 note 2 Halliday, William A., The Growth of the City State (London: Hodder and Stoughton, Ltd., 1923), p. 26.Google Scholar But see Myres, op. cit., chap. 3., esp. pp. 79–80, and chap. 4, esp. pp. 192–209. This will be discussed later with reference to the Greeks themselves.

Page 258 note 1 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 37.

Page 258 note 2 Ibid.; Hall, op. cit., fig. 13, p. 16.

Page 258 note 3 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 35; Weinberg, Saul S., “Aegean Chronology: Neolithic Period and Early Bronze Age”, American Journal of Archeology, LI, No. 2 (April-June, 1947) pp. 165–182.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Page 258 note 4 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 37 et passim.; Hall, op. cit., passim.

Page 258 note 5 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 42: “Anthropology (in the sense of anthropometry) therefore cannot help us.”

Page 258 note 6 Ibid. pp. 47, 59. See also Annual of the British School at Athens, IX (1903), p. 340.

Page 258 note 7 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 47–48. See also Mosso, op. cit., pp. 409–11.

Page 258 note 8 Childe, op. cit, pp. 15–57, esp. pp. 17–21; Eyre, Edward, European Civilization (London: Humphrey Milford, 1935), I, p. 158Google Scholar; Hall, op. cit., pp. 1–131; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 35–93; Myres, op. cit, pp. 26–81, esp. summary, pp. 79–81; Toynbee, op. cit., I, pp. 323–30.

Page 259 note 1 Pendlebury, op. cit., maps, pp. 36, 46, 58.

Page 259 note 2 Myres, op. cit., p. 79; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 61, 267; Glotz, op. cit., p. 58.

Page 259 note 3 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 267.

Page 261 note 1 Evans, op. cit., I, p. 8; Annual of the British School at Athens, XII (1906), pp. 230Google Scholar et seq.; Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 61; Hall, op. cit., p. 25; Glotz, op. cit., p. 58.

Page 261 note 2 Hall, op. cit., pp. 25, 28, 31, 40.

Page 261 note 3 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 37, 52, et passim.; Hall, op. cit., pp. 16, 22, 31.

Page 261 note 4 Ibid., p. 25.

Page 261 note 5 Mosso, op. cit., pp. 96–102; Evans, op cit., I, p. 34; Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 43.

Page 261 note 6 The reader will note that Scharff's chronology has been adopted; see Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 301. For a very thorough and recent chronology, a little too detailed for present purposes, see Weinberg, op. cit., pp. 165–82. Radio-carbon dating has not yet been consistently applied, and for this period its plus or minus 350 or 400 years leaves something to be desired.

Page 262 note 1 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 43.

Page 262 note 2 See note 2, p. 261.

Page 262 note 3 Hall, op. cit., lect. 1; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 277–79; Childe, op. cit., pp. 19–20.

Page 262 note 4 Hall, op. cit., pp. 31–33, 37–43; Evans, op. cit., II, fig. 3f; Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 41.

Page 262 note 5 Childe, op. cit., p. 28; Glotz, op. cit., p. 36. But see Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 59, note 1, and p. 118.

Page 262 note 6 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 301; Hall, op. cit., pp. 294–95. See also Childe, op. cit., p. 20, and Weinberg, op. cit., pp. 165–82.

Page 262 note 7 Glotz, op. cit., p. 89; Hall, op. cit., p. 23.

Page 262 note 8 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 52, 59, and esp. 301 – compare columns.

Page 263 note 1 Taeger, op. cit., p. 114; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 52, 59.

Page 263 note 2 Ibid., all of chap. 3 and pp. 122, 146, 148; Nilsson, op. cit., p. 63; Kober, op. cit., p. 101.

Page 263 note 3 Plato, Laws, i, 624 B.

Page 263 note 4 Od. xi, 558; Pind., Ol. ii, 75 et seq.; Plato, Apol. 41 A; Taeger, op. cit., pp. 112, 13.

Page 263 note 5 Anaxag. frag. 2; Herod. I, 63; Paideia, Werner Jaeger: The Ideals of Greek Culture, trans, by Gilbert, Highet (New York: Oxford University Press, 1943), I, pp. 107–108Google Scholar; d'azambuja, Gabriel, La Grèce ancienne, Vols. 28–29: La Science sociale, Demolins, M. E., ed. (Paris: Bureaux de la Science sociale, 1906), pp. 1–344Google Scholar; von Wilamowitz, Ulrich, Die Glaube der Hellenen (Berlin: Weidemannsche Buchhandlung, 1931), II, p. 257Google Scholar; Müller, Otfried, Die Dorier, corrected and augmented from the papers of the author by F. W. Schneidewin (2nd. ed.; Breslau: Josef Max and Co., 1884), 3/4, p. 2Google Scholar; Phillipson, Coleman, The International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome (London: Macmillan and Co., 1911), I, p. 195Google Scholar; Schuhl, Pierre-Maxime, Essai sur la formation de la pensée grecque (Paris: F. Alcan, 1934), p. 192Google Scholar; Rey, Abel, La jeunesse de la science grecque, Vol. I: La science dans l'antiquité (Paris: La Renaissance du Livre, 1930–1948), p. 69.Google Scholar

Page 263 note 6 Pkto, Gorg. 508 A.

Page 264 note 1 Plato, Laws, passim.

Page 264 note 2 Phillipson, op. cit., I, p. 195.

Page 264 note 3 In fairness to contemporary geographers, it should be said that very few espouse the determinism of a generation or two ago. For a convenient summary, see Harry, Elmer Barnes, Howard, Becker, and Frances, Bennett Becker (eds.), Contemporary Social Theory (New York: Appleton-Century, 1940), chap. 7, esp. pp. 203–211Google Scholar, “Critics of Geographical Determinism.” Lucien Febvre's long and searching study is here highly relevant – see his A Geographical Introduction to History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1925).Google Scholar Long ago, of course, Fustel de Coulanges attacked geographical determinism, where the Greeks are concerned, in his The Ancient City, trans, by Willard Small (10th ed.; Boston: Lee and Shepard, 1940), pp. 269–70 et passim.

Page 264 note 4 Becker, Howard, Vicinal Isolation and Mental Immobility, in: Social Forces XI, No. 3 (March, 1933), pp. 326–334CrossRefGoogle Scholar and the extensive footnotes. See also Becker, Howard, Man in Reciprocity (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1956)Google Scholar, use index for “isolation”, “accessibility”, etc.

Page 265 note 1 Becker, Howard, “Pastoral Nomadism and Social Change”, Sociology and Social Research, XV, No. 5 (May-June, 1931), pp. 417–427.Google Scholar

Page 265 note 2 Eyre, op. cit., I, p. 93; Toynbee, op. cit., I, pp. 323–24; Myres, John L., The Political Ideas of the Greeks (New York: The Abingdon Press, 1927), p. 60.Google Scholar

Page 265 note 3 Toynbee, op. cit., I, p. 326.

Page 265 note 4 Myres, John L., “Geography and Greek Colonization”, Classical Association Proceedings, ed. by John, Murray, VII (1910), p. 68.Google Scholar

Page 266 note 1 Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, pp. 4–5; Zimmern, Alfred, The Greek Commonwealth (5th ed. rev.; Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1931), p. 27Google Scholar; Kinglake, Alexander, Eothen (Edinburgh: William Blackwood and Sons, 1893)Google Scholar, chap. 3, at beginning.

Page 266 note 2 Strabo, II, vi, 20, quoting a proverb.

Page 266 note 3 Myres, Classical Association Proceedings, VII, p. 55.

Page 266 note 4 Od. iv, 340–44; Semple, op. cit., p. 589.

Page 267 note 1 For figures of Aegean visibility in general, see Neumann, Carl and Partsch, J. F. M., Physikalische Geographic von Griechenland (Breslau: Wilhelm Koebner, 1885Google Scholar); for this reference see Pliny, iv, 23; Apoll. Rhod., i, 601–606.

The reader should note that all through this section the place-names are ancient, not modern, though the present tense is frequently used.

Page 267 note 2 Semple, op. cit., pp. 586–88.

Page 267 note 3 Il. xiii, 15.

Page 267 note 4 Aesch. Agam., 281–310.

Page 267 note 5 Semple, loc. cit.

Page 267 note 6 Neumann and Partsch, op. cit., p. 147.

Page 268 note 1 Mosso, op. cit., p. 13; Evans, op. cit., 2, p. 26; Childe, op. cit., p. 53; Hall, op. cit., pp. 34–39.

Page 268 note 2 Myres, Classical Association Proceedings, Vol. VII, p. 52.

Page 268 note 3 Ibid.

Page 268 note 4 Od. iv, 485.

Page 268 note 5 Diod. Sic. I, iii.

Page 268 note 6 Strabo, XVII, i, 6.

Page 269 note 1 Semple, op. cit., p. 587.

Page 269 note 2 Mosso, op. cit., pp. 266–85; Hall, op. cit., pp. 34–39, esp. p. 38; Childe, V. Gordon, Man Makes Himself (New York: Oxford University Press, 1939), pp. 199–201.Google Scholar

Page 269 note 3 Phoinikes, likewise used for the Phoenicians, Cf. Bradley, R. N., Malta and the Mediterranean Race (London: T. F. Unwin, 1912)Google Scholar, passim, but esp. pp. 17–21; Glotz, op. cit., p. 61. On the Etruscans, see Glotz, op. cit., p. 224. On contacts with the Italian peninsula in general, see Mosso, op. cit., pp. 379–400. For the farflung nature of Cretan navigation, see Hennig, Richard, “Die westlichen und nördichen Kultureinflüsse auf das antike Mittelmeerwelt”, Klio, XXV, Nos. 1–2 (1932), pp. 1–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For trade, etc., with Malta and Sardinia, see Hawkes, op. cit., pp. 155–56; Childe, The Dawn of European History, pp. 245–57. For early Mediterranean trade in general, see Mosso, op. cit., pp. 360–78.

Page 269 note 4 This is inserted with malice aforethought; undue reliance on computations of simple distance is evident today, Cf. Glotz, op. cit., p. 29, and Murray, The Rise of the Greek Epic, p. 36. Even disregarding vicinal position, some attention should be paid to the conditions of early navigation.

Page 269 note 5 Ibid.

Page 270 note 1 Semple, op. cit., pp. 64, 585–86. Cf. Thuc. vii, 26, 31, 33, 35; vii, 50; vii, 99, 101.

Page 270 note 2 In subsequent centuries the Egyptians use this term to refer to the tumultuous assortment of wanderers flooding the Eastern Mediterranean during the time of the “Uprooting of Peoples”, i.e., the Great Migrations.

Page 270 note 3 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 6; Glotz, op. cit., p. 188; Hall, op. cit., pp. 32–39; Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, p. 6 and note 3, p. 546.

Page 270 note 4 Hall, op. cit., pp. 22–23; Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, pp. 6, 239, 278–79; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 39, 90; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 30, 33, 38, 88.

Page 270 note 5 Hall, op. cit., pp. 31–38.

Page 270 note 6 Ibid, pp. 31–32, esp. footnotes 1, 2 and 3.

Page 270 note 7 Glotz, op. cit., p. 36; Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, p. 278.

Page 270 note 8 Ibid, pp. 278–279; Hall, op. cit., pp. 54–56; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 72–73, 120. Note, however, that there is little if any convincing evidence of the mining of silver at Laureion (in Attica) before 600 B. C.

Page 270 note 9 Hall, op. cit., p. 42.

Page 270 note 10 Ibid., p. 49.

Page 271 note 1 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 87–90.

Page 271 note 2 Glotz, op. cit., pp. 306–309; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 139, 145; Hall, op. cit., pp. 154, 156–57.

Page 271 note 3 Myres, who Were the Greeks?, pp. 75–76; Annual of the British School at Athens VII, (1901), p. 57Google Scholar, fig. 17; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 66, 82.

Page 271 note 4 Ibid., p. 309; Hall, op. cit., p. 131.

Page 271 note 5 Schuchhardt, Carl, Die Burg im Wandel der Weltgeschichte (Wildpark-Potsdam: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1931Google Scholar); Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 59–60, 74–75, 78.

Page 272 note 1 Ibid., pp. 94–98; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 146–56 (somewhat speculative).

Page 272 note 2 Hall, op. cit. pp. 94–108; Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, p. 175; Pendlebury, op.cit., pp. 94–98; Burn, A. R., The World of Hesiod (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1937), p. 16Google Scholar, has an interesting reference to the Pax Minoa. Schuchhardt, op. cit., pp. 66–68, calls attention to the fact that at this time was built the only real fortress-tower of Knossos. It had deep dungeons, too, but was demolished before the end of the Middle Minoan period to make more room for the unfortified palace. See also Evans, op. cit., I, pp. 136 et seq.

Page 273 note 1 Becker, Howard and Barnes, Harry Elmer, Social Thought From Lore to Science (2nd ed. rev.; New York: Dover Publishers, 1952), pp. 10–11Google Scholar and notes – hereinafter this work will be referred to as STFLTS; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 120–21, 143–44.

Page 273 note 2 Glotz, op. cit., pp. 203; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 94–146.

Page 273 note 3 Schuchhardt, op. cit., pp. 66–68 (see our note 5, page 20); Hall, op. cit., pp. 88–92; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 84–101; Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 118.

Page 273 note 4 Nilsson, op. cit., p. 79; Nilsson, , The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion (2nd ed. rev; Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1950), pp. 411–412Google Scholar; Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, pp. 279–80; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 394–95.

Page 273 note 5 Hall, op. cit., pp. 119,158–59, 206; Glotz, op. cit., p. 398.

Page 273 note 6 Hall, op. cit, pp. 183, 262, 267; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 68–71.

Page 273 note 7 Hall, op. cit., pp. 135–36; Glotz, op. cit., p. 336.

Page 273 note 8 Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, p. 281; Glotz, op. cit., p. 70.

Page 274 note 1 But see Glotz, op. cit., pp. 253–54.

Page 274 note 2 Schuchhardt, op. cit., p. 95; Taeger, op. cit., I, p. 114; Hall, op. cit., pp. 109–121; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 156–57. The great source of evidence is of course Evans, op. cit., all four volumes, passim. Glotz, op. cit., p. 38, maintains that even some of the later palaces were fortified, but the evidence does not seem to bear this out. See our note 2, p. 272.

Page 274 note 3 See Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, p. 281, for speculation on the evidence; Childe, op. cit., p. 27, for a brief summary; and Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 146, 148, 151, 154, 175, 180 for a sober, restrained interpretation by an outstanding archeologist familiar with the various alternatives. See Hall, op. cit., pp. 109–12 for a “revolution” interpretation of the destruction at the close of Middle Minoan II, and Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 109, for the possibility of a small raid at Knossos.

Page 274 note 4 Glotz, op. cit., pp. 157–60.

Page 276 note 1 Kantor, Helene J., The Aegean and the Orient in the Second Millennium (Bloomington, Ind.: Principia Press, 1947), p. 32Google Scholar; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 371–86, esp. p. 385; Pendlebury, (p. cit., pp. 269–70.

Page 276 note 2 To say this, and more especially to stress the likelihood of the peaceful interchange of goods, runs counter to a point of view that at present enjoys some popularity. Reacting violently, and with a good deal of justification, against Meyer, Pöhlmann, and a number of other scholars who have excessively “modernized” the ancient world by representing it as having been pervaded by “national trade rivalries”, “economic power politics”, “industrialization”, “early high capitalism”, and the like, several writers have swung to the opposite pole.

Let us take Bücher, Max Weber, and Hasebroek as among the more prominent of the many who might be chosen as examples. Bücher, rigidly bound by late nineteenth-century dogmas of social evolution, insisted that there was no import-export trade whatever in the early Hellenic world, much less in the still earlier Minoan of which in his time there were only inklings. Max Weber, determined to salvage the Calvinism-capitalism thesis, could see only “the political man” in the ancient period, never “the economic man”. His basic contention was that although “booty-capitalism” was undeniable, there was no significant trace of any other kind. The Calvinism argument runs in a circle, and there is much witness of peaceful trade even in that Geometric period when in some Greek regions, it must be granted, “war, trade, and piracy are an indivisible trinity”. Hasebroek, a follower of Weber, has lavished great ingenuity on the extensive evidence of primarily economic interchange in the effort to explain that evidence away. He has succeeded in deflating a number of the exaggerated claims of the Meyer school, but he is so obviously a partisan that even at points where he should be taken very seriously, it is hard to do so. Moreover, he ignores or slights the Minoan, Mycenaean, and Asianic Ionian data (“Asianic” refers to Asia Minor).

Sustained attention must be given to these and similar writers, however, when discussing the Greeks proper, and especially the Asianic Ionians and Athenians. It is with reference to these Greeks, quite as much as to the earlier peoples, that the present note has been supplied.

See Hogarth, D. G., Ionia and the East (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1909), pp. 26–27Google Scholar; Glotz, op. cit., Chap. 4, “Trade”, 5, “International Relations”, passim., but esp. p. 226; Hall, op. cit., pp. 71, 75, 77; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 104, 106, 134, 137.

Page 277 note 1 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 137, 158–59; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 353–54. It should be noted, however, that many archeologists think that the quick wheel was invented in Asia. See Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 283.

Page 277 note 2 Hall, op. cit., pp. 76–77; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 350–52.

Page 277 note 3 Hall, op. cit., pp. 73–74; Kantor, op. cit., passim., but esp. pp. 18–21. The latter monograph, incidently, is an up-to-date (1948) and telling refutation of those who would deny the wide scope and large volume of Minoan trade (see note 2 p. 276).

Page 277 note 4 Mosso, op. cit., p. 124; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 191, 199, 202, 211.

Page 277 note 5 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 269, 285; Glotz, op. cit., p. 379.

Page 277 note 6 Pendlebury; op. cit., pp. 140, 168, 218; Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, pp. 280–81.

Page 277 note 7 Hall, op. cit., p. 38.

Page 277 note 8 Ibid.

Page 278 note 1 Glotz, op. cit., p. 28; see index for numerous refs.; Myres, Who Were the Greeks?, pp. 119–134, passim.

Page 278 note 2 Hennig, Richard, Terrae Incognitae (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1936–1937)Google Scholar, Vol. I, Chap, 1, Die See-Expedition der ägyptischen Königin Hatscheput nach Punt, pp. 5–11; and Chap. 9, Eine phönizische Umsegelung Afrikas im Auftrag des Pharao Necho, pp. 49–53.

Page 278 note 3 Od. xiv, 286–91; xv, 414–19.

Page 278 note 4 Herod, i, 171; Thuc. i, 4, 8; Glotz, op. cit., p. 159.

Page 278 note 5 Thuc. i, 4.

Page 278 note 6 “Minos” was probably a dynastic name. But see Hall, op. cit., p. 18; Myres, Who Were the Greeks? pp. 321, 351; Taeger, op. cit., p. 115.

Page 278 note 7 Glotz, op. cit., p. 387.

Page 279 note 1 Appolod. I, ix, 16 et seq., quoted by Bacon, Janet Ruth, The Voyage of the Argonauts (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1925), p. 17.Google Scholar

Page 279 note 2 Becker and Barnes, Stflts, pp. 90–91, 11–12.

Page 279 note 3 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 173–75.

Page 279 note 4 Ranulf, Svend, The Jealousy of the Gods and Criminal Law at Athens (2 vols.; London: Williams and Norgate, 1934Google Scholar), passim.

Page 280 note 1 Taeger, op. cit., pp. 115, 117; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 146, 148, 158, 173–75, 180, 184, 195, 216; Hall, op. cit., pp. 109–207 passim. These notes cover the two preceding paragraphs. It should be noted that Glotz and Toynbee, to name no others, insist, despite the lack of other than “earthquake” archeological evidence, that the destruction of 1700 B.C. was the result of conquest or revolt. See Glotz, op. cit., pp. 40–41; Toynbee, op. cit., I, p. 92; IV, p. 64; V, pp. 236–38. Pendlebury, the cautious archeologist of our frequentlycited and quoted Archeology of Crete, finds definite evidence only of earthquake until 1400 B.C.

Page 281 note 1 Taeger, op. cit., p. 119; Spengler, Oswald, Reden und Aufsätze (München: C. H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1937), p. 257Google Scholar; Hogarth, op. cit., p. 26; Hall, op. cit., p. 206.

Page 281 note 2 Mosso, op. cit., pp. 103–105; Childe, Dawn of European Civilization, pp. 22–26; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 131–46; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 279–80; Hawkes, op. cit., p. 353.

Page 282 note 1 Bachofen, J. J., Gesammelte Werke, Vol. II-III, Das Mutterrecht (Basel: B. Schwabe and Co., 1948)Google Scholar, passim., especially part 2 of Karl Meuli's Nachwort and those sections of the original that it illuminates and corrects; Briffault, Robert, The Mothers (New York: Macmillan Co., 1927), I, pp. 388–414Google Scholar; III, pp. 118–84 (to be used with great caution, but abounds in data and has a remarkably fine bibliography); Thomson, George, Studies in Ancient Greek Society: The Prehistoric Aegean (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1949), pp. 58–86, 149–202Google Scholar (doctrinaire Marxist; extreme). Cf. the cautious statements of Rose, H. F., Primitive Culture in Greece (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1925), pp. 26, 167–168.Google Scholar

Page 283 note 1 Taeger, op. cit., pp. 120–21; Nilsson, Martin P., A History of Greek Religion, trans, by Fielden, F.J. (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1925), pp. 25–54Google Scholar; Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 273.

Page 283 note 2 Wilamowitz, op. cit., p. 124. Cf. Taeger, op. cit., I, p. 121.

Page 283 note 3 Hogarth, op. cit., says that there was in this a “Dual Monotheism”, or, as we might put it, a Binity rather than a Trinity. Nilsson leaves open the possibility of other gods; see his Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and Its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 334 et seq. For the fact that goddess and priestess are often hard to distinguish, see Nilsson, op. cit., p. 280; Glotz, op. cit., p. 265; Schuchhart, op. cit., p. 172. For discussion of the Mother-Goddess, see Nilsson, op. cit. pp. 389–405, esp. 394–95.

Page 283 note 4 Mosso, op. cit., pp. 131, 148–170; Childe, Dawn of European Civilization, pp. 17–18; Hall, op. cit., p. 29; Evans, op. cit., I, fig. 12; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 38–39; Glotz, op. cit., p. 243.

Page 284 note 1 Nilsson, , A History of Greek Religion, p. 12Google Scholar; Revue de l'histoire des religions (Paris: Ernst Leroux, ed., 1911)Google Scholar, Vol. LXIV, Part 2, pp. 277 et seq.

Page 284 note 2 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 274–75; Hall, op. cit., pp. 16, 133, 278–79; Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. by James, Hastings (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1908–1922Google Scholar), arts. “Theriomorphism”, “Zoölatry”, etc.

Page 284 note 3 Marshall, Sir John H., Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civiliszation (London: A. Probsthain, 1931), I, pp. 93Google Scholar et seq.

Page 284 note 4 See Becker, , Man in Reciprocity (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1956Google Scholar), Chap. VI, “Human Nature Becomes Human”, pp. 79–95.

Page 284 note 5 Cf. Kroeber, A. L., Configurations of Culture Growth (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1944), pp. 16–27, 838–46Google Scholar; Marett, R. R., Head, Heart and Hands in Human Evolution (London: Hutchinson, 1935), pp. 150–231Google Scholar; Howells, William, The Heathen: Primitive Man and His Religions (New York: Doubleday and Co., 1948), pp. 11–24, 283–293Google Scholar et passim.

Page 285 note 1 By “naturism” is meant that body of theory according to which the “sheer sense-impressions” of sun, sky, animals, and the like on “man's spirit” directly engender the attitude of worship and the corresponding sun-gods, sky-gods, etc. Max Müller, for an earlier period, is the most outstanding representative. The incompatibility of such a theory with our present knowledge of comparative religion should be obvious.

Page 285 note 2 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 274.

Page 285 note 3 Persson, Axel W., The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1942), pp. 9–19.Google Scholar

Page 285 note 4 Nilsson, Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 90, 316–19; Hall, op. cit., p. 190 and refs. given there.

Page 285 note 5 Breaking his neck by “bulldogging” was the climactic scene of the Minoan corrida; Persson, op. cit., fig. 23, pp. 96–97.

Page 286 note 1 Evans, op. cit., Ill, pp. 203 et seq.

Page 286 note 2 The bull often possesses a disproportionately large phallus, i.e., is ithyphallic; Persson, op. cit., pp. 93–94.

Page 286 note 3 Ibid. pp. 131–35; see also relevant articles in Gary, M. et al. , ed., The Oxford Classical Dictionary (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1953).Google Scholar

Page 286 note 4 Nilsson has asserted that there is no evidence for a “bull-cult”, i.e., for worship of the bull, or anuthing similar. The bull was merely an animal of sacrifice and for the “sport” of the bull-ring. Mylonas, among others, has followed him in this. In the light of the evidence and what equally cautious scholars have pointed out, this negative judgment seems impossible to sustain. Cf. Deedes, C. N., The Labyrinth Hooke, S. H., ed. (London: S.P.C.K., 1935), p. 28Google Scholar; see also Harrison, Jane, Themis: A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion (2d. ed. rev.; Cambridge: The University Press, 1927), p. 169Google Scholar; Malten, L., Der Stier in Kult und mythischem Bild, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts (Berlin and Leipzig: Walter De Gruyter, 1929), Vol. XLIII (1928), pp. 90Google Scholar et seq; Persson, op. cit., pp. 93–98. The present writer agrees with Malten, Persson, and others; although Harrison was too speculative, Nillsson seems much too conservative. But see Nilsson, Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 373–81; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 274–75; Mylonas, G. E., Athens and Minoan Crete, in Athenian Studies Presented to William S. Ferguson, ed. by Blegen, C. W., Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, suppl. Vol. I (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1940), p. 33.Google Scholar

Page 286 note 5 Nilsson, op. cit., pp. 229–30; Mosso, op. cit., pp. 194–97; Antichi, Monumenti, Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei (Milano: Ulrico Hoepli, 1908)Google Scholar, XIX, plates 1 and 2; Pendlebury; op. cit., p. 249.

Page 287 note 1 Von Sheffer, Thassilo, Die Kultur der Griechen (Vienna: Phaidon, 1935)Google Scholar, pl. 5; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 235–34; fig. 49, pp. 272–73; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 157, 239. There is little or no evidence, however, to show that in Crete an axe was used, as in Attica, to kill the holy bull. For the double axe in general, see Mosso, op. cit., pp. 132–47, and Nilsson, Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 194–235.

Page 287 note 2 Guthrie, W. K. C., Orpheus and Greek Religion (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1935), pp. 92–96Google Scholar; Nilsson, , A History of Greek Religion, pp. 215–216.Google Scholar

Page 287 note 3 Nilsson, , Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek ReligionGoogle Scholar, chap. 10, “Bird Epiphanies of the Gods”.

Page 287 note 4 Oxford Classical Dictionary, “Leda”.

Page 288 note 1 Rose, op. cit., p. 10; Evans, Sir Arthur, The Earlier Religion of Greece in the Light of Cretan Discoveries (London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1931), p. 13Google Scholar; Nilsson, Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Thought, pp. 236–261, esp. pp. 255–259.Google Scholar

Page 288 note 2 See all of chap. 2 of Persson, op. cit., Minoan-Mycenaean Signet Rings and the Vegetation Cycle and all of chap, viii of Nilsson, , Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek ThoughtGoogle Scholar, The Tree Cult.

Page 289 note 1 Benedict, Ruth, Patterns of Culture (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1934Google Scholar), chap. IV, The Pueblos of New Mexico.

Page 289 note 2 Walker, F. A., The Indian Question, North American Review, Vol. CXVI, No. 239 (1873), p. 370Google Scholar, note.

Page 290 note 1 Lowie, Robert H., An Introduction to Cultural Anthropology (4th ed.; New York: Rinehart and Co., Inc., 1946), pp. 241–243, 255–266Google Scholar; Hoebel, E. A., Man in the Primitive World (1st ed.; New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1949), pp. 221–226, 260–273.Google Scholar

Page 290 note 2 Here the writer introduces his terms for the helots and perioikoi.

Page 290 note 3 The term is not used in quite the same sense as it occurs in Toynbee, op. cit., passim. The difference is not significant, however, for our own analysis is much less daring than Toynbee's, and the term has little weight to carry.

Page 291 note 1 Glotz, op. cit., pp. 227, 233, 239, 241, 255–56, 269, 399; Hall, op. cit., p. 281. For the role of the priestess-goddess in relation to the palladium or holy shield, see Nilsson, , Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 406–412.Google Scholar

Page 291 note 2 Hall, op. cit., p. 280; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 230, 234, 274; Persson, op. cit., pp. 92–93.

Page 291 note 3 Nilsson, , Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 162–164Google Scholar; Becker and Barnes, Stflts, p. 37.

Page 291 note 4 Anon., A Compleat History of Spanish America, etc., with an Appendix in Which is Comprehended an Exact Description of Paraguay, Dedicated to Thomas, Winnington, Esq., trans, from a French account of 1708 (London: Stagg and Browne, 1742), pp. 320–330.Google Scholar

Page 291 note 5 Hall, op. cit., pp. 275–76; Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 273; Persson, op. cit., pp. 8, 19, 36, 47, 49, 64, 88, 155, see also plates 1 and 15; Glotz, op. cit., p. 236.

Page 292 note 1 Persson, op. cit., pp. 56–58, 90, 110–11; Hall, op. cit., pp. 281–82; Ramsay, Sir William M., Asianic Elements in Greek Civilisation, the Gifford Lectures in the University of Edinburgh, 1915–16 (London: J. Murray, 1927), p. 174.Google Scholar

Page 292 note 2 Glotz, op. cit., pp. 243, 244, 247.

Page 292 note 3 Nilsson, , Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 77, 116Google Scholar; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 39, 102, 130, 148, 239, 255.

Page 292 note 4 Ibid., pp. 272–73; Schuchhardt, op. cit., pp. 68–70.

Page 292 note 5 Nilsson, , Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 184–186Google Scholar; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 253–54.

Page 293 note 1 Milsson, , Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 184–186Google Scholar; Glotz, op. cit., pp. 253–54.

Page 293 note 2 Thomson, op. cit., pp. 283–85, 383; Cook, A. B., Zeus (Cambridge: The University Press, 1914–1940), I, pp. 464–496.Google Scholar

Page 293 note 3 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 231; Cook, op. cit., I, pp. 466 et seq.; III, passim.

Page 293 note 4 Oxford Classical Dictionary, articles Athena, Erechtheus, Erechthonios; Nilsson, , History of Greek Religion, pp. 25–27Google Scholar; Thomson, op. cit., pp. 261–62; Nilsson, , Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in Greek Religion, pp. 7, 491–502.Google Scholar

Page 294 note 1 Here we have returned to a more workable definition of the State; see Becker and Barnes, Stflts, pp. 27–30, also see index.

For the astonishingly large amount of palace space assigned to the bureaucracy, see Evans, The Palace of Minos, I, fig. 152 et passim.

For what may be a picture of the Priest-King himself, in his kingly role primarily, see the famous Knossos wall-relief, variously called The Prince with the Feathered Crown (Schuchhardt, op. cit., p. 70), Youth among the Lilies (Scheffer, op. cit., p. 11), and Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, part 2, frontispiece, pl. 14.

Page 294 note 2 Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 286–88.

Page 294 note 3 Toynbee, op. cit., passim, (use index).

Page 295 note 1 Kantor, op. cit., pp. 49–55, esp. pp. 54–55.

Page 295 note 2 Glotz, op. cit., pp. 47–48; Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 228–30; Eyre, op. cit., pp. 162–63; Childe, Dawn of European History, p. 27.

Page 295 note 3 Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 231; cf. the vivid description in Glotz, op. cit., p. 48.