^{page 256 note 1} Fay, C. R., Life and Labour in the Nineteenth Century, 3rd ed. (Cambridge, 1943), p. 168Google Scholar; Blaug, M., Ricardian Economics (New Haven, 1958), p. 148.Google Scholar

^{page 256 note 2} Beer, M., A History of British Socialism, 3rd ed. (2 vols; London, 1953), I, p. 127Google Scholar; Menger, A., The Right to the Whole Produce of Labour, translated by Tanner, M. E., with an introduction by Foxwell, H. S. (London, 1899), p. 48.Google Scholar

^{page 256 note 3} Ibid., pp. xxxi-xxxviii. In a manuscript note in one of the copies of Hall's The Effects of Civilization in the Goldsmiths' Library of Economic Literature, University of London, Foxwell wrote: “It is a really wonderful statement, in the clearest terms, of the first principles of modern Socialism.”

^{page 256 note 4} Beer, op. cit., I, pp. 126–32. See also Beales, H. L., The Early English Socialists (London, 1933), pp. 72–75Google Scholar; Gray, Alexander, The Socialist Tradition: Moses to Lenin (London, 1946), pp. 262–69Google Scholar; Chabert, Alexandre, “Aux sources du socialisme anglais: un pré-marxiste méconnu: Charles Hall”, in: Revue d'Histoire Economique et Sociale, XXIX (1951), pp. 369–83.Google Scholar This last piece is enthusiastic about Hall, but is marred by inaccuracy and adds little of substance to earlier accounts.

^{page 257 note 1} Introduction to Pankhurst, R. K. P., William Thompson (London, 1954), p. viii.Google Scholar

^{page 257 note 2} Bedarida, François, “Le socialisme en Angleterre jusqu'en 1848”, in: Histoire générale du socialisme, I, Des origines à 1875, Ed. by Droz, Jacques (Paris, 1972), pp. 288–90.Google Scholar

^{page 257 note 3} Smith, R. W. Innes, English-Speaking Students of Medicine at the University of Leyden (Edinburgh, 1932), p. 105.Google Scholar

^{page 257 note 4} Watt, Robert, Bibliotheca Britannica (4 vols; Edinburgh, 1824), I, p. 458Google Scholar; Monthly Review, LXXVI (1787), p. 74.Google Scholar

^{page 257 note 5} These letters are preserved in the Place Papers, together with two letters from Spence to Hall, British Library (formerly British Museum), Add. Mss 27808, ff. 280–85.

^{page 258 note 1} Hall to Spence, 25 August 1807, ibid., f. 280.

^{page 258 note 2} [Morgan, J. M.,] Hampden in the Nineteenth Century (2 vols; London, 1834), I, pp. 20–21.Google Scholar

^{page 258 note 3} Public Record Office, PRIS 2/118, No 18187; 10/149, f. 4.

^{page 258 note 4} Although the shorter work has its own title-page, the pagination continues that of The Effects of Civilization, the pages being numbered 325–49.

^{page 258 note 5} This is the only edition held by the British Library, and Beer believed it to be the second edition and the only one extant. But several copies of the 1805 edition survive, for instance in the British Library of Political and Economic Science and in the Goldsmiths' Library; copies of the 1813 edition exist at Columbia University and in the National Library of Australia; and the Goldsmiths' Library has a copy of the edition of 1820.

^{page 259 note 1} Hall, C., Die Wirkungen der Zivilisation auf die Massen (Leipzig, 1905).Google Scholar Adler contributed a twenty-page introduction entitled “Mehrwertlehre und Boden-reform in England im 18. Jahrhundert und Charles Hall”; but this threw little if any new light on Hall and his work.

^{page 259 note 2} He adds later that the sufferings of the poor, though they “obtrude themselves on every body's notice”, present themselves “more unavoidably and affectingly to a medical practitioner than to any other person”. The Effects of Civilization on the People in European States (London, 1805), p. 223.Google Scholar

^{page 259 note 3} Ibid., pp. 1–4. Hall did not actually use the word “horizontal”, but this was clearly his meaning; cf. Perkin, Harold, The Origins of Modern English Society 1780–1880 (London, 1969), p. 209.Google Scholar

^{page 260 note 1} Effects of Civilization, pp. 4ff., 24–26, 28–30. He probably had in mind Paley, William, Reasons for Contentment addressed to the Labouring Part of the British Public (London, 1793)Google Scholar, and Watson, Richard, Bishop of Llandaff, Sermon preached before the Stewards of the Westminster Dispensary (London, 1793)Google Scholar – a sermon entitled “On the wisdom and goodness of God in having made both rich and poor”.

^{page 260 note 2} Effects of Civilization, pp. 36–38, 82–83.

^{page 261 note 1} Ibid., pp. 38–52.

^{page 261 note 2} Ibid., pp. 55–60.

^{page 262 note 1} Ibid., pp. 100–03; Burke, Edmund, Thoughts and Details on Scarcity (London, 1800), p. 3.Google Scholar Burke and his pamphlet are not specifically named, but the allusion to them seems clear enough.

^{page 262 note 2} Effects of Civilization, pp. 111–13. Hall also alludes here to the combination laws; on the so-called freedom of contract, cf. pp. 72–73; “There is no voluntary compact equally advantageous on both sides, but an absolute compulsion on the part of masters, and an absolute necessity on the part of the workman to accept of it.”

^{page 262 note 3} Ibid., pp. 116–18.

^{page 262 note 4} Ibid., pp. 91–95. In a later section (pp. 138–40) Hall describes the dread of poverty felt by those just above the dividing line, and their “continual struggle and jostling” to prevent themselves from sinking below it. He also remarks on the fierce competition produced among the poor themselves by the insufficiency of the means of life: “every man's interest becomes opposite to every man's”.

^{page 263 note 1} Ibid., p. 99.

^{page 263 note 2} Ibid., pp. 74–75, 115, note, 181–82.

^{page 263 note 3} Ibid., pp. 151–52: “Learning, in the unequal shares it is divided among individuals in Europe, is clearly prejudicial; giving some an unfair advantage over others […]. It is the chief instrument by which the superiority is gained by the few over the many; and by which the latter are kept in subjection.”

^{page 263 note 4} Ibid., p. 213.

^{page 264 note 1} Ibid., pp. 166–74. Cf. Laidler, H. W., A History of Socialist Thought (London, 1927), pp. 99–100Google Scholar: “Hall's economic analysis of the causes of war sounds as if it had been made but yesterday.” Hall was not thinking in terms of competition for markets or outlets for capital, but he did anticipate Hobson in locating the roots of imperialism in the unequal distribution of wealth in civilized countries.

^{page 264 note 2} Effects of Civilization, pp. 190, 215–16.

^{page 265 note 1} Ibid., pp. 156, 172, 227–33.

^{page 265 note 2} Ibid., pp. 216–19, 316–17. A further measure which he evidently regards as desirable, though he does not include it in the same initial “package”, is a reform of the fiscal system; he recommends a graduated income tax, and supports the proposal with a remarkably clear exposition of the diminishing marginal utility of income (pp. 201–08).

^{page 266 note 1} Ibid., pp. 259–66, 277–78, 295ff.

^{page 266 note 2} Ibid., p. 317.

^{page 266 note 3} On Hall's Observations on Malthus, cf. Foxwell, introduction to Menger, op. cit., pp. xxxv-xxxvi, and Smith, Kenneth, The Malthusian Controversy (London, 1951), pp. 52–56.Google Scholar Smith credits Hall with being the earliest of Malthus's critics (apart from Godwin), and says that the ideas he put forward were to “appear over and over again in the course of the subsequent controversy”.

^{page 266 note 4} Observations on Malthus, pp. 327–34, 346–47.

^{page 266 note 5} Malthus, T. R., An Essay on the Principle of Population, 2nd ed. (London, 1803), p. 538.Google Scholar

^{page 267 note 1} Observations on Malthus, pp. 339–41, 349.

^{page 267 note 2} Annual Review and History of Literature, IV (1805), pp. 298–99Google Scholar; Monthly Review, LI (1806), p. 15.Google Scholar

^{page 267 note 3} Ibid., pp. 15, 18, 21; Critical Review, Third Series, VI (1805), pp. 50–51Google Scholar; Literary Journal, V (1805), p. 706.Google Scholar James Mill (later a strong opponent of Hodgskinite ideas) was probably the author of this last article, see Fenn, R. A., “James Mill's Political Thought” (Ph.D. (Econ.) thesis, University of London, 2 vols, 1972), II, pp. 26, 142.Google Scholar

^{page 268 note 1} Cf. Poynter, J. R., Society and Pauperism: English Ideas on Poor Relief, 1795–1834 (London, 1969), pp. 207ff.Google Scholar

^{page 268 note 2} Hall to Spence, 9 June 1807, Place Papers, ibid., f. 282; Monthly Magazine, XXIII (1807), pp. 329–31.Google Scholar

^{page 268 note 3} For instance the offer of rewards to working men who brought up their families without assistance from the parish.

^{page 269 note 1} He also mentions in a footnote that in some enclosure bills the removal of a piece of fencing has been made a capital crime. Cf. J. L., and Hammond, B., The Village Labourer, 1760–1832 (London, 1919), p. 64.Google Scholar

^{page 269 note 2} Monthly Magazine, XXXII (1811), pp. 226–28.Google Scholar

^{page 269 note 3} See for example Thelwall, John, The Tribune (3 vols; London, 1795–1796), II, pp. 59–62, 82, 376.Google Scholar

^{page 269 note 4} William Godwin is a possible exception, though he had not applied himself so directly to the criticism of existing political institutions.

^{page 270 note 1} Hall to Spence, 25 August 1807, loc. cit.

^{page 270 note 2} Effects of Civilization, p. 73.

^{page 270 note 3} Marx, K., Theories of Surplus Value (3 vols; London, 1969–1972), I, pp. 382–86.Google Scholar Hall does not refer to this work of Gray's but does refer (p. 118) to his pamphlet The Income Tax Scrutinized (London, 1802)Google Scholar, which applied to a specific issue the principles expounded in Gray's earlier book.

^{page 270 note 4} Effects of Civilization, p. 68. It has been suggested that, with the exception of Hodgskin, the so-called Ricardian Socialists of the next generation derived their labour theory of value more from Smith than from Ricardo. See Lowenthal, Esther, The Ricardian Socialists (New York, 1911), p. 103Google Scholar; Blaug, op. cit., pp. 148–49.

^{page 270 note 5} Hall, , Observations on Malthus, p. 325Google Scholar. Malthus, op. cit., pp. 420–25. Cf. also the first edition of the Essay on Population (London, 1798), pp. 312–13, 320–21Google Scholar, where the point is specifically related to Britain.

^{page 271 note 1} Earl, of Lauderdale, , An Inquiry into the Nature and Origin of Public Wealth (London, 1804), pp. 281, 329, 341Google Scholar; Hall, , Effects of Civilization, pp. 18, 302Google Scholar, note.

^{page 271 note 2} Meek, R. L., Studies in the Labour Theory of Value (London, 1958), p. 126Google Scholar and note; Adler, G., introduction to Hall, Die Wirkungen der Zivilisation, p. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 271 note 3} Effects of Civilization, p. 261; Hall to Spence, 25 August 1807, loc. cit.

^{page 271 note 4} See Effects of Civilization, pp. 61–62, for a quotation from Paley's, Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy (London, 1785).Google Scholar

^{page 271 note 5} Foxwell, introduction to Menger, op. cit., p. xxxii; Godwin, , Enquiry concerning Political Justice, 2nd ed. (2 vols; London, 1796), II, pp. 427–28Google Scholar; The Enquirer (London, 1797), p. 177.Google Scholar

^{page 272 note 1} Enquiry concerning Political Justice (2 vols; London, 1793), II, p. 792.Google Scholar In subsequent editions this estimate was dropped.

^{page 272 note 2} The Writings of Thomas Paine, Ed. by Conway, M. D. (3 vols; New York, 1908), III, p. 328.Google Scholar

^{page 272 note 3} The only one of these writers actually mentioned by Hall is Brissot, and the work referred to is not his Recherches philosophiques sur le droit de propriété, but his New Travels in the United States of America (London, 1792).Google Scholar The historical examples given by Hall (pp. 280–81) of societies which had successfully established equality of property – the Jews, Sparta and Paraguay – were models commonly cited by egalitarian writers of the eighteenth century: see Lichtenberger, André, Le socialisme au XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1895), pp. 29Google Scholar, note, 60–63, 153, 218, 229, 438.

^{page 272 note 4} Harrison, J. F. C., Robert Owen and the Owenites in Britain and America (London, 1969), p. 65.Google Scholar

^{page 272 note 5} Parssinen, T. M., “Thomas Spence and the Spenceans” (Ph.D. dissertation, Brandeis University, 1968), pp. 111–12Google Scholar; Hall to Spence, 25 August 1807, loc. cit.

^{page 273 note 1} Effects of Civilization, pp. 71–74.

^{page 273 note 2} Hall says at one point (p. 203) that riches may be supposed to commence at an income-level of £150 per annum.

^{page 273 note 3} Briggs, A., “The Language of ‘Class’ in early nineteenth-century England”, in: Essays in Labour History, Ed. by Briggs, A. and Saville, J. (London, 1960), p. 48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kimball, Janet, The Economic Doctrines of John Gray 1799–1883 (Washington, D.C., 1948), p. 100.Google Scholar

^{page 273 note 4} Hall, , Effects of Civilization, pp. 53–55, 132–33Google Scholar; [Hodgskin, T.,] Labour Defended against the claims of Capital (London, 1825), p. 20Google Scholar; The Natural and Artificial Right of Property Contrasted (London, 1832), pp. 70–73.Google Scholar As Hall pointed out (Observations on Malthus, p. 341, note), these conquests included the Saxon conquest of England; his historical theory of expropriation thus differed from that of the Diggers and Spenceans, who attributed the process to the Norman Conquest, and from that of Marx, who dated it from the sixteenth century.

^{page 273 note 5} Gray, J., A Lecture on Human Happiness (London, 1825), p. 20.Google Scholar

^{page 273 note 6} Hall, , Effects of Civilization, p. 279Google Scholar; Thompson, W., An Inquiry into the Principles of the Distribution of Wealth (London, 1824), p. 35.Google Scholar

^{page 274 note 1} Hall to Young, 29 November 1808, British Library, Add. Mss 35130, f. 128; Meek, R. L., The Economics of Physiocracy (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), pp. 356Google Scholar, note, 358. On William Spence's sources, see his letter in Cobbett's Political Register, 5 December 1807, cc. 923–25.

^{page 274 note 2} Ibid., 4 January 1817, cc. 27–29; Selections from Cobbett's Political Works, Ed. by Cobbett, J. M. and Cobbett, J. P. (6 vols; London, n.d.), V, p. 86, note.Google Scholar

^{page 274 note 3} The Economist, 17 02 1821, pp. 49–50Google Scholar; Hollis, Patricia, The Pauper Press (Oxford, 1970), p. 203.Google Scholar

^{page 274 note 4} Bray, C., The Philosophy of Necessity (2 vols; London, 1841), II, p. 657Google Scholar, note.

^{page 274 note 5} Armytage, W. H. G., Heavens Below (London, 1961), pp. 198–99.Google Scholar

^{page 275 note 1} Hall told Spence (25 August 1807, loc. cit.): “I think what we should aim at should be to go back a good way towards our natural state; to that point from which we strayed; retaining but little of that only (to wit, of the coarser arts) which civilization has produced, together with certain sciences.” But Spence considered that Hall was unrealistic in imagining that people would willingly revert to a “state of barbarism” and “give up every elegant comfort of life” (Spence to Hall, 28 June 1807, Place Papers, ibid., f. 284).

^{page 275 note 2} R. H. Tawney, indeed, wrote that Hall was “a conservative critic of capitalism rather than a socialist”. It is arguable, however, that by virtue of his social ideal as well as his critical analysis Hall does qualify to be regarded as socialist: according to Henry Collins, Hall “crossed the threshold which Paine reached”, and “entered, as Paine did not, directly into the mainstream of modern socialist thought”. See Tawney, introduction to Beer, op. cit., I, p. x; Collins, , introduction to Paine, The Rights of Man (Harmondsworth, 1969), p. 44Google Scholar; cf. Chabert, op. cit., p. 383.

^{page 275 note 3} See the manuscript note cited above, p. 256, note 3; and cf. Menger, op. cit., p. 101, note.

^{page 275 note 4} Effects of Civilization, p. 70. Hall himself, of course, considered that “the justice of this mode of acquiring wealth is by no means clear”.

^{page 276 note 1} Engels, F., Socialism, Utopian and Scientific (New York, 1901), p. 6.Google Scholar