^{page 110 note 1} von Pöhlmann, Robert, Geschichte der sozialen Frage und des Sozialismus in der antiken Welt, Munich (Ed. 3 Oertel) 1925, I, pp. 405–406.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 2} Toynbee, Arnold J., A Study of History, London 1939, VI, p. 351.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 3} Vogt, Joseph, Struktur der antiken Sklavenkriege, in: Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Abh. der geistes- und- sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse (1957) 1, p. 22.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 4} See Hansen, Esther, The Attalids of Pergamon, Cornell, 1947, pp. 410–426, on the posthumous cult of the Attalids.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 5} Justin, XXXVI 4.Google ScholarDiodorus, XXXIV 3.Google Scholar Cf. Hansen, , pp. 134–141Google Scholar, and Magie, David, Roman Rule in Asia Minor, Princeton 1950, I, pp. 30–33.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 6} Hansen, , pp. 153–217.Google ScholarRostovtzeff, M., in: Cambridge Ancient History, VIII, pp. 590–618Google Scholar, and Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, Oxford 1941, 1, p. 509Google Scholar, emphasizes the isolation of laoi in villages and farms which may have increased their revolutionary potential.

^{page 111 note 1} Magie, , I, pp. 32–33.Google ScholarHansen, , p. 140.Google ScholarSallust, , Hist. IV 69.8.Google Scholar claims that the will was forged, a charge perhaps not unfounded in particulars of the bequest.

^{page 111 note 2} Gracchus, Plutarch Tiberius 14. Gracchan connections with Pergamene circles are ably described by Badian, E., Foreign Clientelae, Oxford 1958, pp. 173–174.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 3} Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus 15. While not intent on personal dictatorship, Tiberius Gracchus was as impatient of constitutional obstructions as Sulla or Caesar. To Tories, he was a tyrant slain by patriots (Velleius II 3); to Blossius, he was a statesman unencumbered by legalistic niceties.

^{page 111 note 4} Ibid., 19–20. Appian, Bel. Civ. I 16–17.

^{page 111 note 5} Valerius Maximus V iii2e.Google ScholarPlutarch, , Gracchus, Tiberius21.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 1} Eutropius, IV 20.Google ScholarPlutarch, , Flamininus, 21.Google ScholarJustin, XXXVI 4.Google ScholarVelleius Paterculus II 4 denies his claim to be a son of Eumenes II.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 2} Livy, XLV 34.Google Scholar The memory of the fate of Carthage and Corinth in 146 would still be fresh in Pergamum in 133.

^{page 112 note 3} Florus, I xxxv20.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 4} Magie, I, p. 148.Google Scholar Generally Magie considers Aristonicus “a foe of Hellenic civilization” and “wholly unfitted to be king of Pergamum” (1:151; 32).

^{page 112 note 5} Mith, Appian. 22–23.Google ScholarRostovtzeff, , SEHHW, II, pp. 938, 943.Google ScholarSallust, , Hist. IV 69.8Google Scholar puts an eloquent defense of Aristonicus into the mouth of Mithridates Eupator.

^{page 112 note 6} Benecke, P., in: Cambridge Ancient History, VIII, p. 276.Google Scholar Cf. Rostovtzeff, , SEHHW, II, pp. 769–771, 977.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 7} Eutropius, IV 15.Google Scholar Cf. Xenophon, , Hellenica, VI 5.28Google Scholar and Thucydides, IV 80.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 8} Tarn, W. W. and Griffith, G., Hellenistie Civilization, London (Ed. 3) 1952, pp. 122–124.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 9} Florus, II vii19.Google ScholarDiodorus, XXXIV 2.13, 39Google Scholar describes the courtesy extended by the rebels to the humane daughter of a particularly hated master. Diodorus ascribes the same resentment of brutal treatment to the servile followers of Aristonicus. See Oertel, F., Die soziale Frage im Altertum, in: Forschungen und Fortschritte (1927) 3, pp. 257–258.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 1} Appian, , Bel. Civ. I 18Google Scholar states that Aristonicus was in revolt when Tiberius Gracchus was slain and quotes Sulla accusing the rebel cities of aiding the pretender for four years (133–129), Mith. 62, and returning only through fear and compulsion. Rostovtzeff, , SEHHW, II, p. 825 accepts this view.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 2} Strabo, XIV 1.38.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 3} Justin, XXXVII 1.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 4} Tacitus, , Annals IV 55 and XII 62Google Scholar cites Eastern cities claiming credit for resisting Aristonicus.

^{page 113 note 5} Florus, I xxxv20.Google Scholar See Magie, I: 148.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 6} Hansen, p. 145.Google ScholarRostovtzeff, , SEHHW, II, p. 758.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 7} Mithridates V executed fifth columnists in Pergamum. Cf. Magie, , II, p. 1035.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 1} Dittenberger, W., Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, Leipzig 1903, I, pp. 553–537Google Scholar (No. 338) Despite lacunae, the meaning of the decree is obvious and the final sentence particularly significant. The view that the decree was occasioned by the actual threat of a rebellion already in process is endorsed by Broughton, T. R., An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome (Ed. Frank, T.), Baltimore 1938, V, p. 507.Google Scholar Cf. Magie, , I, p. 149.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 2} Eutropius, IV 20.Google ScholarJustin, XXXVII I.Google Scholar The kings may have feared the example of the Pergamene rebellion on their own slaves, as Vogt (p. 22) suggests, but the more important motive for intervention was the prospect of profit from fishing in troubled waters.

^{page 114 note 3} Cicero, , Phil. XI 8.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 4} Justin XXXVI 4 reflects an anti-Crassus tradition not shared by Gellius and Florus.

^{page 114 note 5} Plutarch, , Tiberius Gracchus 21.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 6} Valerius Maximus VIII vii6.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 7} Gellius, 113.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 8} Ibid.

^{page 114 note 9} Justin XXXVI 4 and Eutropius IV 20 hold that Crassus died in action. The episode with the Thracians is repeated by Florus I xxxv 20, Orosius V 10, and Frontinus, Strat. IV 5.16. Cf. Paterculus, Velleius II 4Google Scholar, and Strabo, XIV 1.38.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 10} Strabo, XIV 1.38.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 11} Tarn, , Hell. Civ., p. 173.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 1} Justin, XXXVII 1.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 2} Plutarch, , Gracchus, Tiberius20.Google ScholarCicero, , de Amic. XI 37.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 3} Brown, T. S., Greek Influence on Tiberius Gracchus, in: Classical Journal, (1947) 42, p. 473.Google Scholar Cicero, de Amic. III 12 suspects that Gracchans murdered Scipio Africanus the Younger but asserts (XII 41) that friends and relatives of the tribune took vengeance on “Publius Scipio” (= Nasica?). Did Blossius meet Nasica in Asia?

^{page 115 note 4} Strabo, XIV 1.38.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 5} Strabo, XIV 1.38.Google ScholarSwain, J., Antiochus Epiphanes and Egypt, in: Classical Philology, (1944) 39, pp. 77–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar, notes that Aristonicus and Antiochus III used the same stronghold, Livy, XXXVII 37.Google Scholar Both kings posed as champions of the masses and some of Antiochus' propaganda may have taken root in Thyateira.

^{page 115 note 6} Florus, II vii19.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 7} Broughton, T. R., Stratoniceia and Aristonicus, in: Classical Philology, (1934) 29, pp. 252–254.CrossRefGoogle Scholar This former site of cistophoric mint was eclipsed until the reign of Hadrian, probably as punishment for harboring Aristonicus.

^{page 115 note 8} Eutropius, IV 20.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 9} Plutarch, , Tiberius Gracchus 20.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 10} Hansen, , p. 147.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 11} Florus, I xlvii12.Google ScholarPliny, , Nat. Hist. XXXIII 149.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 12} Florus, I xxxv20.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 13} Tarn, , Hell. Civ., p. 55.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 14} Justin, XXXVII 1.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 1} Florus, I xxxv20.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 2} Hansen, , p. 148.Google ScholarVelleius Paterculus II 4 is not an unimpeachable source.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 3} Eutropius, IV 20.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 4} Tarn, W. W., Alexander the Great and the Unity of Mankind, in: Proceedings of the British Academy, (1933) 19, p. 131.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 5} Toynbee, , V, pp. 179–180.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 6} Toynbee, , V, p. 111, n. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 7} Bidez, J., La Cité du Monde et la Cité du Soleil chez les Stoïciens, in: Academie royale de Belgique, Bulletin de la classe des Lettres, (Ser. 8) (1932) 18, pp. 290–291.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 8} Hansen, , p. 144.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 9} Pöhlmann, , I, p. 406.Google Scholar Cf. Oetrel's remarks, II, p. 570, n. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 10} Spengler, Oswald, The Decline of the West, New York 1939, II, p. 454.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 11} Kahrstedt, U., Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, (1926) 188, p. 197.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 1} Broughton, , Economic Survey, IV, p. 509.Google ScholarRostovtzeff, , SEHHW, II, p. 1106.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 2} Compare Saumachus in the Crimea about 109 B.C., which may have been a slave revolt, Zhebelev, S. A., L'abdication de Paerisadès et la révolution Scythe dans le Royaume de Bosphore, in: Revue des Études grecques, (1936) 49, pp. 17–37.CrossRefGoogle ScholarRostovtzeff, , SEHHW, III, p. 1512, disagrees.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 3} The myths and realities of Cleomenes III and the Spartan Revolution are examined in my Phylarchus of Athens: History as Propaganda and Tragedy, Berkeley (Calif.) 1961.

^{page 117 note 4} Livy, XLII 15.Google ScholarPolibius, xxv 3.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 5} Plutarch, , Flamininus, 15.Google ScholarLivy, XXXV 33–34.Google Scholar His son and general, Mithridates, promised abolition of debts in Lycia, Athenaeus, XII 528AGoogle Scholar and Livy, XXXIII 19.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 6} The Gracchans were not Roman populists but patriotic aristocrats trying to raise citizen soldiers on marginal land, Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus 9 and Appian, , Bel. Civ. I 11.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 1} Livy, XXXIV 31.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 2} Dudley, D., Blossius of Cumae, in: Journal of Roman Studies, (1941) 31, p. 95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 118 note 3} Cicero, , de Amie. XI 37.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 4} Plutarch, , Tiberius Gracchus 8.Google Scholar Panaetius studied at Pergamum under Crates, Hansen, , p. 383.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 6} Plutarch, , Tiberius Gracchus 5.Google Scholar The grandfather of the tribunes had raised two legions of slaves freed on condition that they fight Hannibal. Livy, XXII 57Google Scholar; Valerius Maximus VII vi1.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 6} Cicero, , de Amic. XI 37.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 7} Plutarch, , Tiberius Gracchus 8; 17.Google Scholar Plutarch permits the blasphemy against omens because they came true. Cf. Pericles 6.

^{page 119 note 1} Laelius had earned the epithet “Sapiens” by avoiding arguments with the opposition over land reform, Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus 8.

^{page 119 note 2} Plutarch, Tiberius Gracchus 15. A similar notion that legality was dependent on the public interest is attributed to King Agis IV of Sparta, Plutarch, Agis 12.

^{page 119 note 3} Plutarch, , Tiberius Gracchus 20.Google ScholarCicero, , de Amic. XI 37.Google ScholarValerius Maximus IV vii1.Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 4} Plutarch, , Tiberius Gracchus 20.Google Scholar Though Nasica first asked the question, it was “repeated often and by many persons”. A similar escape is offered to Agis at his trial, Plutarch, Agis 19.

^{page 119 note 5} Pöhlmann, , I, pp. 405–406; II, pp. 305–324.Google ScholarKroll, , lambulos, in: Real-Encyclopädie der cl. Alt., IX, pp. 651–653.Google ScholarBidez, , pp. 280–283, 290–291.Google ScholarHelios, Tarn Alexander and the Golden Age, in: Journal of Roman Studies, (1932) 22, p. 140.Google ScholarLast, H., in: Cambridge Ancient History, IX, p. 104.Google Scholar The view that lambulus depicted a Stoic Utopia is related to the unwarranted assumption that Stoicism was a semi-socialist creed, on which see my “Stoics, Cynics, , and the Spartan Revolution, in: International Review of Social History, (1959) IV, pp. 461–469Google Scholar and Baldry, H., Zeno's Ideal State, in: Journal of Hellenic Studies, (1959) 79, pp. 3–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 119 note 6} Diodorus, II 55–60.Google Scholar The astral symbolism of the seven circular islands does not prove Stoic influence, since astrology was the accepted pseudo-science of the Hellenistic era and one of the few intellectuals to challenge it was the Stoic Panaetius, Cicero, , de Div. II 88.Google Scholar

^{page 120 note 1} See Diodorus, II 39–41Google Scholar, or Strabo, XV 1.34.Google Scholar

^{page 120 note 2} Rose, H., The Date of Iambulos, in: Classical Quarterly, (1939) 33, pp. 9–10.Google Scholar

^{page 120 note 3} Tarn, W., The Date of Iambulos, in: Classical Quarterly, (1939) 33, p. 193.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 120 note 4} In the Hellenistic era, On was chiefly of antiquarian interest, but Mommsen, Theodor, Römische Geschichte, Berlin 1874, II, p. 54Google Scholar, has suggested a connection between Aris-tonicus and the Syrian sun cult, a relation more applicable to Eunus in Sicily where there was an obvious Syrian factor operative in the slave revolt.

^{page 120 note 5} A fragment, probably of Sophocles, quoted by Harrison, Jane, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, Cambridge (Ed. 3) 1922, p. 462.Google Scholar Cf. Aristophanes, , Peace 404ff.Google Scholar

^{page 120 note 6} Guthrie, W. K., The Greeks and their Gods, Boston 1950, pp. 84–86.Google Scholar

^{page 120 note 7} Swain, J., The Theory of the Four Monarchies, in: Classical Philology, (1940) 35, pp. 11–12Google Scholar, and Epiphanes, Antiochus and Egypt, in: Classical Philology, (1944) 39, p. 78Google Scholar suggests that Aristonicus utilized an Anatolian solar cult. Tacitus calls the deity at Hiera Kome “the Persian Artemis”, Annals III 62, but she would be the just Sun of Arinna, whatever she meant to the Magi. Herodotus I 131 confused Mithra with the “Persian Aphrodite”.

^{page 121 note 1} Farneil, L., The Cults of the Greek States, Oxford 1907, IV, pp. 177–179.Google Scholar

^{page 121 note 2} Westermann, W., The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, Philadelphia 1955, pp. 35Google Scholar, but see the comment of Finley, M. I., The Servile Statuses in Ancient Greece, in: Revue Internationale des Droits de l'Antiquité (1960, Ser. 3), 7, pp. 183–184.Google Scholar

^{page 121 note 3} Harrison, , p. 462.Google Scholar

^{page 121 note 4} Rostovtzeff, , SEHHW, II, p. 808.Google ScholarDudley, , p. 99.Google Scholar However, Tarn, , reviewing Rostovtzeff in Journal of Roman Studies, (1941) 31, pp. 165–171CrossRefGoogle Scholar, feels that no one would fight for an abstract Sun of Righteousness.

^{page 121 note 5} Strabo, XIV 1.38.Google Scholar Though Pontine by birth, Strabo was culturally a Greek and gave Aristonicus' sun god a familiar Greek name. Throughout this paper, the term “Asian” implies geography and only such cultural differences as might arise from that factor. The East contained more cultural debris and live fossils than the West but the human elements were the same: Ulpian and Elagabalus were both Syrians, as were the skeptic Lucian and the theologian Paul of Samosata.

^{page 121 note 6} Herodotus scoffs at the suggestion that the statue was of Memnon, , II 106.Google Scholar Even the Weather God of Hatti (the consort of the Sun of Arinna) could pass for Aristonicus' solar patron; the farmers, to whom the images were familiar for centuries, were syncretists by necessity. For “Niobe” and other Hittite archeological and cultural relics, see Thomson, George, Studies in Ancient Greek Society, London 1954, Vol. I (The Ancient Aegean), pp. 406–407.Google Scholar

^{page 122 note 1} Gurney, O. R., The Hittites, London 1952, p. 139.Google Scholar When SuppiJuliumas, the father of Mursilis II, adopted the title of Sun and the solar disc as a royal symbol, no doubt his friend, Akhenaton, impressed upon him the moral qualities of the Sun God.

^{page 122 note 2} Ibid., p. 139. Indigenous to the West coast of Asia Minor, the Sun is also called “Sun-god in the Waters” by the Hittites. Strabo testifies to his continued popularity in the region, XIII 2.5. At Troy, Apollo fought for Asia against Europe. His name may derive from the Apulunas, Hittite, Nilsson, Martin, Greek Popular Religion, New York 1940, p. 79Google Scholar, but see Barnett, R. D., Journal of Hellenic Studies, (1950) 70, p. 104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 122 note 3} Goodenough, E., The Political Philosophy of the Hellenistic Kingship, in: Yale Classical Studies, (1928) 1, p. 82.Google Scholar Vogt's suggestion (p. 36) to connect Heliopolis with Alexarchus of Uranopolis and Zeus Menecrates is unfortunate. Both men were mad and the latter may not have existed. The Heavenly City of Alexarchus was an idee fixe humored by his brother, King Cassander, while the anecdotes of Menecrates suggest a lampoon on the pretensions of both Hellenistic divine monarchy and the medical profession, Strabo, VII 35Google Scholar, Athenaeus, III 98 D-F VII 289 A-F.Google Scholar

^{page 122 note 4} Plutarch, , Sertorius 11, 20.Google Scholar Sertorius' wish to escape to the Isles of Paradise (18–19) is aimed by Plutarch at Roman readers; the sacred deer, however, was a legitimate mantic device of the leader who lived among the Iberians as one of their own, wearing their garb and respecting their habits.

^{page 122 note 5} Polybius, XV 21 dourly remarks: “The chief object in every civil strife is to change fortunes.”Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 1} This ideal was vainly addressed to the Ptolemaic government by the apocryphal Letter of Aristeas 291. See the comment of Sinclair, T. A., A History of Greek Political Thought, London 1951, p. 293, n.1.Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 2} Burton, Richard, The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night, New York 1934, III, pp. 1893–1894.Google ScholarBraun, Martin, History and Romance in Graeco-Oriental Literature, Oxford 1938Google Scholar, emphasizes the nationalist tone of such pseudo-factual figures as Semiramis and Nectanebo. In the Hellenistic era, much ancient history was revived and adapted for contemporary tastes by writers like Manetho, Berossus, and the authors of the Pentateuch, not necessarily with any greater accuracy than what was the common property of the village storytellers.

^{page 123 note 3} Aelian, de nat. anim. XII 21 preserves the Gilgamesh tale in the Third Century A. D. See Jacobsen, Thorkild, The Sumerian King List, Chicago 1939, pp. 89–91.Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 4} The legendary Sargon describes how “my changeling mother bore me; in secret she bore me. She set me in a basket of rushes; with bitumen she sealed my lid. She cast me into the river which rose not over me… and carried me to Akki, the drawer of water,… [who] lifted me out… and reared me.” Pritchard, James B., Ancient Near Eastern Texts relating to the Old Testament, Princeton, (Ed. 2) 1955, p. 119.Google Scholar Cf. Exodus, 2.2–6.Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 5} Barnett, R. D., The Epic of Kumarbi and the Theogony of Hesiod, in: Journal of Hellenic Studies, (1945) 65, pp. 100–101.CrossRefGoogle ScholarGüterbock, H. G., The Hittite version of the Hurrian Kumarbi Myths: Oriental Forerunners of Hesiod, in: American Journal of Archeology, (1948) 52, pp. 123–134.CrossRefGoogle ScholarThomson, , pp. 179–183Google Scholar, discusses the Hittite background of the Amazon legend. See Hansen, , pp. 395–396, 400Google Scholar, for Hittite cult survivals at Pergamum.

^{page 124 note 1} Gurney, p. 174.Google Scholar Mursilis too was a younger son whose throne was threatened by aggression from the West. By assuming the title of “Sun”, he absorbed the aura of justice which surrounded the Sun of Arinna in both its masculine and feminine forms. Mursilis' son, Muwatallis, was the host of Paris and Helen in their flight from Sparta, , Gurney, , pp. 57–58.Google Scholar Later tradition knew “Myrsilus” as the last of the Heracleidae to rule Lydia, , Herodotus, 17.Google Scholar