Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 February 2009
The paths of historical research resemble the forces in the sea. As some topics surface and rise to ever greater heights, others may be dragged to the depths of silence and cease to affect the beating of the waves. In most western European countries, research on journeymen has suffered this second fate. Along with the decline in interest in guild-based economies, the issue of whether pre-industrial journeymen associations were predecessors (or perhaps adumbrations) of modern trade unions, which had inspired widespread debate during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, faded from the agenda following World War II. This trend does not mean that the new generation of social historians has blithely ignored disputes involving journeymen. Nevertheless, many authors designate such events as crowd movements or view them as obvious forms of traditional resistance.
* Lorwerth Prothero, Artisans and Politics in Early Ninettenth-Century London. John Gast and His Times (London, 1979), p.58.
1 The forunner function of the journeymen associations for the labour movement and the continuity between them have been emphasized by Guillaume Des Marez in Belgium, Henri Hauser in France, Lujo Brentano, Georg Schanz and Rudolf Wissell in Germany, and the Webbs in Great Britain. For Germany, see Reith, R., “The Social History of Craft in Germany: A New Edition of the Work of Rudolf Wissell”, International Review of Social History, 36 (1991), pp. 92–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Reith, R., Griessinger, A. and Eggers, P., Streikbewegungen deutscher Handwerksgesellen im 18. Jahrhundert. Materialien zur Sozialund Wirtschaftsgeschichte des städtischen Handwerks, 1700–1806 (Göttingen, 1992), pp. 2–3Google Scholar. The importance of corporate traditions for the formation of labour movements has recently returned as a topic of debate. See Kocka, J., “Craft Traditions and the Labour Movement in Nineteenth-Century Germany”, in Thane, P. et al. , (eds), The Power of the Past. Essays for Eric Hobsbawm (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 95–117Google Scholar; Rule, J. (ed.), British Trade Unionism, 1750–1850: The Formative Years (London and New York, 1988)Google Scholar; Lenger, F., “Beyond Exceptionalism: Notes on the Artisanal Phase of the Labour Movement in France, England, Germany and the United States”, International Review of Social History, 36 (1991), pp. 1–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Devreese, D. E., “Ambachten, arbeidsmarkt en arbeidersbeweging. Vorming van de moderne arbeidersbeweging te Brussel, 1842–1867”, in Vries, B. de et al. (eds), De kracht der Zwakken. Studies over arbeid en arbeidersbeweging. Opstellen aangeboden aan Theo van Tijn bij zijn afscheid als hoogleraar Economische en Sociale Geschiedenis aan de Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht (Amsterdam, 1992), pp. 108–138Google Scholar.
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41 Discontent with the administration of justice was common and often led to more radical action. After the court of appeal declared their complaints about two ordinances implemented by the municipal administration of Brussels in 1683 inadmissible, even though recent events conflicted with earlier decisions, the journeymen hatters of Brabant definitely turned their Bourses communes into strike funds. Lis and Soly, “De macht van vrije arbeiders”. In 1792, the establishment of the London Friendly and United Society of Cordwainers also followed a court judgement that was considered unfair. The journeymen claimed a strike fund was necessary, for even “if the laws of this country were much more perfect than they really are, still we must purchase their protection; and it is much to be lamented that the expenses of a lawsuit far exceed any journeyman's ability. Hence it often happens that power overcomes right, and innocence itself proves no real security from punishment”. Quoted in Schulte Beerbilhl, Vom Gesellenverein zur Gewerkschaft, pp. 264–265.
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