^{page 315 note 1} There is no single study devoted to the Mano Negra. Neither at the time of the trials, when the issue was still too alive, nor later, when it was reopened by the anarchist group of Tierra y Libertad (Madrid), El Corsario (Valencia), the French La Dépechê and Temps Nouveaux, in 1902–03, to free the accused criminals still in jail, was there any attempt by historians to work extensively on the matter. Only the outstanding scholar of agrarian Córdoba, Juan Díaz del Moral, realized that the problem was rather complex but the sources too inadequate to carry out a more exhaustive and dispassionate study. (See: Historia de las agitaciones campesinas andaluzas. Córdoba, Madrid, 1929, Ch. 6. This book, which had been out of print for a long time has been made available recently in an abridged edition by Alianza Editorial, Madrid, 1967). This article is part of a study I am preparing on the origins of Spanish anarchism (1868–1884). Besides my own research on this problem, the only other study that I know of is a Ph.D. thesis for Columbia University which Mr Glen Waggoner is currently preparing on the “Black Hand: The Anarchist Movement in Andalusia, 1881–1892”. (In the following notes we will refer to the Mano Negra as MN and the International Working Men's Association as the IWMA.)

^{page 315 note 2} From El Globo, Madrid, quoted by El Guadalete, Jerez, 02 20, 1883.Google Scholar See also the following Madrid newspapers for similar and complementary information: El Imparcial, the Liberal, the Correo, La Correspondencia, etc.

^{page 316 note 1} See the daily reports of the Spanish press at the time; the Liberal reported, on Feb. 24, 1883, that there were 35 people imprisoned in Arrabal (sic! Arahal?), 35 in Marchena, more than 360 in Jerez and Cádiz, and many others in Arcos, Osuna, Balbuena, Villamartín, Villanueva de la Serena, etc. El Porvenir, Sevilla, quotes from El Imparcial that more than 200 members of the Spanish Federation of Workers were imprisoned in Cádiz, as well as in Jardilla, el Arahal, Jerez, etc.

^{page 316 note 2} Figures from El Porvenir, Sevilla. Due to the lack of access to other documents of this criminal case it is impossible to make an accurate study of the organization of the membership of this society. Yet, through the information in newspapers of the time it is possible to affirm that the membership came from people of the most diverse origins, as happened in the IWMA itself. “The 360 prisoners who were recently brought into Xeres by the police were not only of all ages, but included small landholders as well as simple peasants and smugglers.” (The Nation, N.Y., 04 5, 1883)Google Scholar The local newspapers reported other members: reserve soldiers and low-ranking officers (Guadalete, El, March 1, 1883 and The Saturday Review, 08 18, 1883, p. 196),Google Scholar civil guards (El Imparcial, March 13, 1883), andalusian peddlers, smugglers and gypsies (ibid., March 6), and landowners “of rural properties of certain wealth, and others gifted with a rather uncommon learning, and of irreproachable conduct and good nature” (Porvenir, El, 03 6, 1883.Google Scholar See also El Imparcial, March 1, El Guadalete, March 6, El Porvenir, March 11). There were also many women involved; one of them, Isabel Luna, was known as “the Louise Michel of Benaocaz” (La Andalucía and El Porvenir, 03 14, 1883).Google Scholar Among those gifted with “a rather uncommon learning”, was Juan Ruiz, a school teacher in the Jerez region, believed to be one of the heads of the MN, “the most intelligent and active leader” (El Guadalete, March 2, 1883; cf. El Porvenir, March 3 and El Imparcial, March 4). Also among the suspects was Antonio Moreno Merino, druggist, who admitted his connection with the secret society as an “honorary member” (El Imparcial, 03 13, 1883).Google Scholar

^{page 317 note 1} “…the number of members rose to 7,000 first, then to 12,000, later it was over 20,000 and recently the figure has been touching on 49,000. The series of imprisonments which increases at an extraordinary pace, the arrest of federates in places relatively far from the scene of the crimes, and the ever-increasing number of members of secret societies to about forty thousand, makes one believe that both public opinion and government agents have poured a huge army of men into the prosecution of a common criminal cause. […] One can hardly call an organization which a few months ago was celebrating a public and well-attended congress in Sevilla a secret society, and which after discussing its statutes and preaching collectivism and anarchy, gave a vote of thanks to the Governor of the province […] for his extremely law-abiding and liberal conduct towards them.” El Porvenir, March 10, 1883.

^{page 317 note 2} Ibid., pp. 1–2.

^{page 317 note 3} El Guadalete, Jerez, Feb. 20, 1883 reproduces a telegram sent by the lieutenant of the Civil Guard, at Arcos, to the Governor of Cadiz: “Great discoveries about criminal society; multiple imprisonments; taking possession of lists and signed documents of the Association [IWMA?].” In March the seal of the “Working Men's Association, Agricultural section” was found; this was enough proof for the authorities to claim that the IWMA in Spain is the sole “association responsible for the actions of the Mano Negra”, El Porvenir, 03 3, 1883.Google Scholar In 1884, the conservative groups were still asking for further drastic measures against the socialist press. La Unión, a conservative newspaper, demanded that the editors of the republican El Motín, the freethinking Las Dominicales del Libre Pensamiento and the anarchist Revista Social be executed by garrotte (cf. La Federación Igualadina, June 7, 1884, p. 2).

^{page 318 note 1} “Declaración de la Comisión Federal espafiola”, 03, 1883, reproduced by Lorenzo, Anselmo, militante, El Proletariado, ed. Vértice, Mé;xico, n.d., pp. 436–37.Google Scholar

^{page 318 note 2} The “Manifiesto de la Comisión Federal de la Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Españlola” opens: “When the bourgeois press, ranging from the most reactionary to the most radical, publishes frightful accounts about certain crimes, which, were they true, no honorable man would defend; when the aforementioned press publishes data and news concerning secret associations whose main object is arson, robbery and assassination; […] we would certainly be neglecting our duty if we did not PROTEST against the miserable slanders of those white-collar workers who expect the Courts or the Government, because of their false accusations, to consider 70,000 workers co-participant in the crimes which we are the first to censor, since it is quite likely that their victims may be honorable and trustworthy proletarians”, cf. A. Lorenzo, op. cit., pp. 434–36. See also the “Protesta de la sociedad de albañiles y demás obreros pertenecientes al oficio”, Madrid, 03 4, 1883, published by the Revista Social, 03 8, 1883, p. 4,Google Scholar which states among other things that “…the Mano Negra […] cannot be a workers' association but, maybe, a society of lunatics supporting unattainable ideas, and with more criminals in its ranks than workers.”

^{page 319 note 1} Even today the militant historians of anarchism deny any connection between the IWMA and the MN and claim it was an official invention. Diego Abad de Santillán, for instance, questions its existance: “Did the Mano Negra really exist? At least the legend was created and provided a welcome excuse to justify atrocious anti-proletarian repressions in Andalusia. It did not exist as a structured organism, nor as a part of the anarchist or workers movements, since no proof has remained of its existence, but it did exist as a belief of the reactionary press.” (Contribución a la historia del movimiento obrero, Cajica, Puebla, Mex., 1962, p. 321) Other writers not connected with the anarchist movement also deny its existence: Bruguera, F. G., Histoire contemporaine de l'Espagne, 1789–1950, Ophrys, Paris, 1953, pp. 311ff.;Google ScholarJoll, James, The Anarchists, N.Y., 1964, Ch.IX, p. 232;Google ScholarTuñón, Manuel de Lara, La España del siglo XIX (1808–1914), Paris, 1961.Google Scholar Others, like Almagro, Melchor Fernández (Historia política de la España contemporánea, Pegaso, Madrid, 1956, pp. 393–97),Google Scholar say that the MN “carried to its utmost consequences the doctrine and orders of the Spanish Regional Federation of the IWMA [whose] poisoned seed [took root and blossomed] in a terrible way” (p. 393).

^{page 320 note 1} According to one of the reporters from Jerez, by March, 1883 the evidence gathered amounted to more than 6000 pages: “it resembles an Indian poem with neither beginning nor end, the criminals underwent more metamorphoses than those of Buddha […] As part of the documentation there are the said statutes [of the MN], very curious information and sentences of punishments, issues of a socialist journal and other papers” (La Andalucía, 03 1st, 1883).Google Scholar

^{page 320 note 2} This “loss” of documentation is a fact that must be faced at sometime or another by most historians of modern Spain. During the Civil War many Municipal archives were burned; afterwards the new regime proceeded to anathematize and destroy all papers dealing with socialist and masonic movements or to bury them in a secret archive in Salamanca which had been specially built for that very purpose. This archive, as well as other government archives, such as those of Departments of War, the Interior, etc., are inaccessible to outsiders. However, a great number of local and provincial archives may be consulted by the historian. Although most of them have no good catalogues or systems of cataloguing, someone willing to spend enough time patiently researching might well obtain tangible results. This holds true for most Andalusian municipal archives and certain private ones.

^{page 320 note 3} I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. Iris Zavala, who found this document in the Archivo de Palacio, Madrid, during her own research on an earlier period of Spanish history and was kind enough to have it copied for me. This document is part of Legajo No 10,077 of the “Secretarfa Particular de S.M.”.

^{page 321 note 1} See Morayta, Miguel, Historia general de España, F. González Rojas, Madrid, 1896, Vol. IX, pp. 1201–02;Google ScholarMargall, F. Pi y: Historia de Espana eñ el siglo XIX, Vol. VI, pp. 224–25;Google Scholar La Andalucía, Sevilla, Feb. 27, 1883; El Porvenir, Sevilla, Feb. 28, 1883, etc.

^{page 321 note 2} Cf. Agustín Sáez Domingo, Procesos célebres. Crónicas de tribunales españoles, Cuaderno, IX: “Procesos del Salar y la Mano Negra, recursos de casación”, in: Revista de Legislación, Madrid, 1884, pp. 65–232;Google Scholar Causas célebres llamadas de la Mano Negra, publicadas en el Diario de Cádiz. Audiencia de Jerez de la Frontera. El crimen del Puerto. crimen, El de Arcos. Asesinato del Blanco de Benaocaz, Cadiz, 1883, 156 pp.;Google Scholar Los procesos de la Mano Negra. Audiencia de Frontera., Jerez de laProceso seguido a Crist6bal Durán Gil y Antonio Jaime Domínguez por asesinato de Fernando Olivera, Revista de Legislación, Madrid 1883, 74 pp.Google Scholar

^{page 322 note 1} A. Sáez Domíngo, op. cit., pp. 92 and 188.

^{page 322 note 2} La Andalucía, March 1, 1883; cf. El Día, Feb. 2, and El Guadalete, March 1, 1883.

^{page 322 note 3} The document I found in the Archivo Municipal de Jerez de la Frontera, Legajo No 8, has as its title: “The Mano Negra. A society of the poor against their thieves and executioners. Europe. Nineteenth Century.” This copy is not accompanied by any other document or information. Although some minor differences exist, the text remains basically the same except for article No 2 of the Statutes. The text in Jerez reads: “The object is: first, to preserve in all its strength the principles of the IWMA, and, secondly, to punish the crimes of the bourgeoisie and its subordinates by every possible means, be it by setting fire to property, knifing, poisoning, or any other way.” The other difference is in the title: instead of “Andalusia”, the Jerez version has “Europe. Nineteenth Century”. This detail may remind us of other similar movements that were active in other countries such as Italy, Ireland, France and Russia. There are rather striking coincidences, for example, between the agrarian troubles of Ireland at the time of the Agrarian League, the Fenians or Captain Moonlight's terrorism, and those of Andalusia. These coincidences were often underlined by the newspapers of that time. Le Révolté (Geneva) observed in 1879 the close parallelism between Russia (August 9), Ireland (November 29) and Spain. A year later it commented that “Les nouvelles d'Irlande ne cessent d'etre pleines d'enseignements pour nos amis d'Espagne, d'ltalie, de Russie. lis prouvent que dans ce pays la solidarité n'est pas un vain mot et que pour agir il n'est pas nécessaire d'avoir des gros bataillons.” (Oct. 17, 1880) In 1882, when the Lyon crimes took place, the Spanish government imprisoned several Andalusian anarchists accused of plotting against the State with the help of the Spanish IWMA and some Lyonaise anarchists; some Spaniards were also to be found among the active members in Lyon (Le Révolté, Nov. 25, 1882). References to these and similar cases were frequent at the time. Perhaps a more detailed study of the problem would lead to a better understanding of the relations between certain agrarian and terrorist movements in Europe and their connection with anarchist ideology and organizations.

^{page 323 note 1} See Appendix: Statutes, opening paragraph. Cf. below, p. 326, note 1.

^{page 323 note 2} The economic crisis of 1879 sparked off a long series of uprisings and riots in all areas of the country. In Andalusia some of the cities which suffered from these disturbances were Arcos (El Imparcial, April 26, 1879), Cádiz (ibid., Jan. 12 and 13, 1879), Córdoba (ibid., April 27, 1879), Granada (ibid., April 24, 1879), Jerez (ibid., April 26, 1879), Puerto de Santa Maria (ibid., Jan. 13, 1879), Ronda (ibid., April 20–24, 1879), Sanlúcar (ibid., Feb. 15 and 16, 1879), Sevilla (ibid., May 11, 1879). These were just a few of the innumerable signs of discontent in the South.

^{page 324 note 1} See Appendix, letter by Tomás García Cerunio. We know nothing about the author of this letter nor about the “Colonel Subinspector of the Fourth Corps” of the Civil Guard. Further investigation into the archives of the Ministry of War and of the Civil Guard would probably shed more light on this problem; so far these have remained inaccessible.

^{page 324 note 2} There is no thorough study of the development of agrarian movements in Southern Spain during the first half of the nineteenth century. Díaz del Moral (op. cit., Chapters 4 and 5) refers to some of them. I have also dealt with this problem in Chapters 1 and 2 of my doctoral dissertation (Princeton University, 1968), making use of references found in the press of the period and of documentation from Spanish archives.

^{page 325 note 1} Cf. Garrido, Fernando, Historia del reinado del último Borbón en España, Salvador Manero, Barcelona, 1868, Vol. III, pp. 358ff. and 525ff.:Google Scholar “in Andalusia Carbonarism spread everywhere, in the city as well as in the countryside” (p. 525). Conrado Roure states in his Recuerdos de mi larga vida (Barcelona, 1925, Vol. I, pp. 232ff. and 257ff.)Google Scholar that “towards 1863, there were some 200 masonic lodges in Spain, with about 40,000 members” (p. 232). During 1820–23 the South of Spain, (mainly Cádiz, Sevilla and Córdoba) were the strongholds of the “exaltados” or radicals. It was in Malaga that the “comunero” Lucas Francisco Medialdúa wanted to establish the República Ibérica in 1821, and in 1823, another “exaltado”, the deputy José Moreno Guerra, tried to proclaim a Republic in Cádiz (cf. María Azcona, José: Clara-Rosa, , masón y vizcaíno, Espasa-Calpe, Madrid, 1935, pp. 34–6 and 220–21).Google ScholarHughes, F.M., in Revelations of Spain in 1845 (London, 1854),Google Scholar notices that “the South of Spain has been a considerable focus of Republicanism ever since the Constituent Cortes sat at Cádiz in 1812. […] Freemasonry is mixed up with all these secret societies” (p. 260). The radicalism of the South is not found only among the intellectuals; the vast number of “exaltado” newspapers published during the Trienio (1820–23), suggest a wide range of readers. This is sustained by the information found in the Indice alfabetico de todos los sujetos que han ocurrido a ser expontaneados ante D. Pedro Téllez por haber pertenecido a sociedades clandestinas, Archivo General de Palacio, in “Papeles reservados de Fernando VII”, Vol. 67, where we see that a great number of the “comuneros” were not only landowners but, like the members of the MN half-a-century later, a cross-section of society.

^{page 325 note 2} This special character of republican secret societies and movements was severely criticized by Karl Marx as early as 1850. To him the conspirator becomes “a professional revolutionary” who loses sight of the social and economic goals of the revolution, cf. Avineri, Schlomo, “Marx and the Intellectuals”, in: Journal of the History of Ideas, XXVIII (2), 1967, pp. 269–277.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Thirty years later the communist anarchists were also speaking in similar terms, cf. “Compte-rendu du Congrés international Socialiste-révolutionnaire tenu à Londres du 14 au 20 juillet 1881”, in: Le Révolté, August 6, p. 3. See below, p. 335, notes 1 and following.

^{page 326 note 1} By 1873, the Spanish Regional Federation was already thinking of organizing secretly in case it should be outlawed. In the “Correspondencia de la Comisión Federal”, available at the Biblioteca Arús, in Barcelona, there is a copy of a letter sent by Francisco Tomás to the Sanlúcar Federation: “if you are not allowed to meet publicly, have secret meetings. To this effect, it is advisable to assemble and organize in groups of ten members who can meet anywhere, even right in the face of the bourgeoisie.” (Sept. 23, 1873) There are similar letters, addressed to other Andalusian Federations. The Circular letter No 38 of January 12, 1874, in which the Spanish Federation announced the Government decision to suppress it, recommends in its third proposition: “the local Federations which cannot meet openly will turn their public organization into a secret one…” (reproduced by Max Nettlau, Documentos inéditos sobre la Internacional y la Alianza en España, La Protesta, Buenos Aires, 1930, pp. 203–05). In the first Catalonian “conferencia comarcal” of 1875, new Statutes are voted for the Spanish Federation because: “Since the IWMA has been banished by the Spanish Government, the Regional members have no other possibility but to organize it as a secret revolutionary society in order to assure its original goal, that is to say, the complete liberation of the proletariat.” (quoted by A. Lorenzo, op. cit., pp. 342–43) A striking coincidence in thought and language may be noted between this paragraph and the opening one of the Statutes of the MN (cf. Appendix).

^{page 327 note 1} In a pamphlet reprinted in Mallorca, in 1814, and seized by the Inquisition at the time, we find, mutatis mutandis, similar concepts: “I swear to persecute to death, as intolerable foes of humanity, all those who oppose us be it by deed, word or in writing; I swear to equally persecute, but with the utmost rigor, that perverse being who once having joined us, tries to desert our sacred ideals (an act which is not to be expected to occur). I will never rest until I see the sacrifice of this perfidious and execrable being consummated…” (Constituci6n fundamental de los libertadores del género humano).

^{page 327 note 2} In the resolutions of the “conferencias comarcales” of July, 1876, the following was agreed on: “The most perfect secrecy must be observed on the existence of the organization and its agreed line of conduct; informers must be punished as severely as acts of cowardice in the face of the enemy; all traitors to the cause of Social Revolution will be punished”, A. Lorenzo, op. cit., p. 345.

^{page 327 note 3} La Legalidad, Cádiz, June 4, 1872.

^{page 327 note 4} Ibid., July 30, 1872.

^{page 327 note 5} Cf. above, p. 323, note 2.

^{page 327 note 6} El Porvenir, Sevilla, Feb. 28, 1883. The Nation (N.Y., April 5, 1883) reported that: “The province [of Jerez] appears to have been honeycombed with secret societies acting under a central head, and executing its orders with blind obedience. These orders involved every variety of crime, such as murder, assault, house-burning, the destruction of vineyards and the mutilation of cattle.”

^{page 327 note 7} Le Révolté, Geneva, July 10, 1880.

^{page 328 note 1} La Legalidad, August 10, 1872.

^{page 328 note 2} Ibid., June 26, 1872.

^{page 328 note 3} La Andalucía, June 22, 1872.

^{page 328 note 4} However, the fact that the Regulations and Statutes were already known by 1879, indicates that the Spanish authorities may have been aware of the political bases for most outbreaks of trouble. This emerges clearly from the letter signed by García Ceruncio (cf. Appendix).

^{page 328 note 5} From the Diario de Madrid, quoted by La Andalucía, March 26, 1872.

^{page 328 note 6} For more data see: Lorenzo, op cit., p. 329. A thorough study of these years is still missing. Succinct treatment can be found in Ardévol's, José Termes, El movimiento obrero en España. La Primera Internacional (1864–1881), Barcelona, 1965,Google Scholar Ch. IV, and my Orígenes del anarquismo español (1868–1884), Doctoral dissertation, Princeton University, 1968, Ch. VI.Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 1} It is suprising to see that even today many historians ignore the fact that Spain sent at least two delegates to this Congress; one from the “Unión de los obreros de la construcción”, Barcelona, and the other representing the Spanish Regional Federation, which although clandestine in character, was active reorganizing itself (cf. the “Compte-Rendu du Congrès International”, in: Le Révolté, July 23,1881). Giralt, Balcells and Termes, in their recent “Chronology” of social movements in Catalonia, Valencia and the Balearic islands affirm: “1881, July: No Spanish delegates were present at this anarchist Congress of the IWMA in London” (Barcelona, 1967, p. 75).Google Scholar

^{page 329 note 2} Such was the case of La Revista Social. Between August 13, 1873 and February 6, 1874 it appeared as “Órgano de las Federaciones Manufactureras de la Región Española”; this subtitle disappeared when the IWMA was banned. The Revista itself ceased publication only to reappear on May 15, 1874 under the same name but without any subtitle. Although its format remained the same its character was different. It stopped publishing any news directly related to Spanish politics, except when it favored the government (as in the case of the end of the second Carlist War, in March, 1876). Occasionally events abroad were also reported but it wasn't until the IWMA resumed its public activities that it resumed its role as an important organ of the anarchist press.

^{page 329 note 3} Lorenzo, op. cit., p. 343, recalled the atmosphere of violence and rebellion during those years, among internationalists.

^{page 329 note 4} Other titles are: Las Represalias (Madrid, 1874),Google ScholarLa Solidaridad (Barcelona, 1874–1876),Google ScholarA los obreros. Saldrá cuando las circunstancias lo exijan (1875), La Revolución Popular (España, 1877), La Bandera Social (1878).Google Scholar

^{page 330 note 1} Cf. the clandestine A los trabajadores, Numbers 1 to 3, Feb. 27 and 28, 1875, signed by “Varios trabajadores”.

^{page 330 note 2} This document is reproduced in Spanish by Max Nettlau in his work on the International in Spain, the manuscript of which belongs to the Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis, Amsterdam; it has just been edited by Lamberet, Renéeunder the title La Première Internationale en Espagne (1868–1888), Dordrecht 1969.Google Scholar I would like to thank Maria Hunink, librarian, and Rudolf de Jong, head of the Spanish section at the Instituut, for their generous help and their kindness in allowing me to consult this invaluable and encyclopedic work and for permitting me to quote from it. To Renee Lamberet my gratitude for calling my attention to the importance of this book. Nettlau describes this document as: one page, in quarto, printed on two columns; he is not sure about the date but believes it to be possibly between 1877 and 1879 because it was found among others from that two-year period.

^{page 331 note 1} Nettlau, manuscript, pp. 138a–138b; Lamberet, op. cit., pp. 299–300 gives a French translation.

^{page 332 note 1} “Circular”, 2 pp., in 2 columns, quarto, no place of publication, May, 1879, reproduced in Nettlau, manuscript, pp. 142a–142c; cf. Lamberet, pp. 311–314.

^{page 332 note 2} From the “folletín” of Tierra y Libertad, May, 1916, quoted by Diaz del Moral, op. cit., Ch. VI, p. 118. Both the language and goals of the MN are very similar to those of contemporary radical movements in other European agrarian countries. In Ireland, between 1879 and 1883, there was a state of violence and discontent among the rural workers; organizations like the Fenians, the Agrarian League, the secret society of the Invincibles, among others, were fighting the government and the landed aristocracy through acts of violence and terrorism very similar to those employed in Andalusia. The Revista Social and Le Révolté give very detailed accounts of these events, as well as of Russian nihilism and terrorism. Both of these newspapers stressed the significance of these acts and the importance they may have had in Spain (cf. Le Révolté, Sept. 4 and Oct. 17, 1880 and Revista Social, Oct. 13, 1881). Long before these developments occurred, Bakunin and Nechaev's Revolutionary Catechism (1869) preached violence and terror just like the Mano Negra years later: “We recognize no other activity but the work of extermination, but we admit that the forms in which this activity will show itself will be extremely varied – poison, the knife, the rope, etc. In this struggle revolution sanctifies everything alike” (quoted by Carr, E. H., Michael Bakunin, N.Y., 1961, p. 395).Google Scholar Although we have not been able to establish when the Catechism became known in Spain, it may be interesting to bear in mind these curious similarities.

^{page 333 note 1} Cf. Revista Social, June 30 and July 21, 1881.

^{page 333 note 2} Cf. Lorenzo, op. cit., Part II, Chapters 8–9, pp. 339–381.

^{page 333 note 3} Ibid., p. 409 and passim.

^{page 333 note 4} Eudaldo Canibell's unpublished memoirs, mentioned by M. Nettlau, manuscript, pp. 195–196; cf. Lamberet, p. 430. It is worth noting that Nettlau, following the official line of the IWMA, denies the validity of this evidence, saying that Canibell must undoubtedly have been mistaken in talking of the MN instead of the Desheredados!

^{page 334 note 1} The Desheredados held a clandestine congress in Cádiz, in 1884. In the pamphlet published with the Manifesto and Statutes, in December, 1884, it was stated that this was the third congress and the sixteenth year of the organization; thus, the first must have been as early as 1868 – the year when anarchism entered the Peninsula.

^{page 334 note 2} Crónica, No 3, Feb., 1883, p. 25.

^{page 334 note 3} Manifiesto del Tercer Congreso, Dec, 1884; cf. Appendix, opening statements of Regulations.

^{page 334 note 4} Posibilista, El, Sevilla, , quoted by El Guadalete, 03 6, 1883.Google Scholar

^{page 334 note 5} La Andalucípa, March 1 and 3, 1883.

^{page 335 note 1} Cf. “Compte-Rendu du Congrès International”, in: Le Révolté, 07 23, 1881, p. 3.Google Scholar This resolution is similar to the one approved a year before at the meeting held by the Federation of the Jura at Chaux de Fonds, on October 9–10, 1880. There it was decided that “le Congrès recommende à l'attention spéciale des sections ce genre de propagande [révolutionnaire] et décide d'entreprendre la publication d'imprimés destinés à propager les idées du socialisme révolutionnaire parmi les agriculteurs…” (5th resolution), Le Révolté, Oct. 17, 1880. In London, a delegate from this newspaper revealed that their anarcho-communist pamphlets of propaganda “s'écoulent à un très grand nombre d'exemplaires, dans tous les pays” (ibid., July 23, 1881, p. 3).

^{page 335 note 2} Cf. “Compte-Rendu du Congrès…”, in: Le Révolté, 08 20, 1881, p. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 335 note 3} Le Révolté reproduces the whole speech under the title “Anarchie et Communisme”, 11 13 and 27, 1880, pp. 1–12.Google Scholar

^{page 335 note 4} “Propaganda by deed” had become associated with communism at least since the Congress of London when it was officially accepted as a tactical aid to communist proselytizing. Yet, one must keep in mind that “direct action” was practised long before 1881. These tactics were initially defended by the Italian Federation as early as 1873 (cf. George Woodcock, Anarchism, N.Y., 1962, p. 337). Such leaders as Errico Malatesta, Carlo Cafiero, Andrea Costa became the disseminators of the new tactics; by the late seventies the activist ideas had spread over most European countries.

^{page 335 note 5} See Federico Urales, La evolución de la filosofía en España, La Revista Blanca, Barcelona, 1934, Vol. II, pp. 160–161, and Lorenzo, op. cit., p. 431. A complete study on the differences between collectivism and anarcho-communism has still to appear, but for a partial discussion of this question in Spain see Urales, op. cit., pp. 160–190, and José Cascales y Muñoz, El apostolado moderno, Barcelona-Madrid, n.d., pp. 189–223.

^{page 336 note 1} Cf. Revista Social, Sans, 2a época, March 26, p. 2; April 9, p. 2; April 23, p. 2; May 14, 1885, p. 1. The Revista Social (March 26, 1885, p. 1) also has a reply to an article published by the Revue Anarchiste Internationale (Bordeaux) in March 20, 1885, pp. 81–82. The French journal asserts that communist anarchism was very strong in certain areas of Spain and that “le communisme-anarchiste implanté en Espagne y créera bientôt une agitation et un mouvement dont les résultats ne seront pas longs à se faire attendre. Il n'est pas d'ailleurs de contrée qui se prête mieux que I'Espagne à l'action individuelle, à la propagande par le fait.” In its issue of April 2, 1885, the Revista Social devotes a long front page attack to Le Révolté and the communist anarchists, which ends with the call: “Collectivists defend yourselves¡”

^{page 336 note 2} See Revista Social, April 23, pp. 1–2; April 30, pp. 1–2 and May 14, 1885, pp. 1–2. Le Ça Ira published in August, 1888, an excellent brief note on the situation of the Spanish labor movement at the time and mentions the rupture between both factions after the Mano Negra trials.

^{page 336 note 3} The first anarcho-communist newspaper that we know of in Spain is La Justicia Humana, which appeared in Barcelona in 1886. In Catalonia propaganda by deed became a form of action supported by dissenting elements which were closely connected with similar groups in other European countries. In the subsequent years such publications spread throughout the whole Peninsula: Tierra y Libertad (1888); La Revolución Social (1889); El Primer Anarquista, El Revolucionario, El Socialismo (1891); La Tribuna Libre (1891–1892); La Conquista del Pan, El Oprimido, La Revancha, El Rebelde (1893); El Comunista, El Eco del Rebelde (1895); Ariete Comunista (1896), among many others.

^{page 337 note 1} The spelling in the Spanish text has been modernized.

^{page 343 note 1} These abbreviations are the same in both versions of the document. We have not been able to decipher their meaning.

^{page 350 note 1} It is difficult to determine the precise transìation of this phrase into English. The exact meaning of the Spanish original is not clear and its syntax is rather obscure.

^{page 351 note 1} See p. 343, note 1.