page 185 note 1) The following study is based on as yet unpublished documents, partly reprinted in the appendices.

page 186 note 1) Cited by Weill, G., Les journaux ouvriers á Paris de 1830 á 1870. (Revue d'Histoire moderne et contemporaine. T. IX, 1907–1908, p. 90).Google Scholar

page 186 note 2) Monfalcon, J. B., Histoire des insurrections de Lyon, en 1831 et en 1834, Lyon et Paris, juin 1834, p. 150.Google Scholar

page 186 note 3) Cf. Echo de la Fabrique, 09 9, 1832; 04 7 and 21, 1833; 0512, 1833; 02 9, 1834.Google Scholar

page 186 note 4) Echo de la Fabrique;, 05 27, 1832.Google Scholar

page 187 note 1) Address of the Workmen of Nantes to the English Trades' Unions in The Pioneer, 07 7, 1834. In tne number of 06 14, 1834 appeared “The Reply of The Pioneer to the address of the workmen of Nantes”.Google Scholar

page 187 note 2) Doctrine de Saint-Simon, Cf.. Exposition. Première annèe. 1829. Seconde Edition. Paris 1830, pp. 144–183.Google Scholar

page 188 note 1) Julius, West, A History of the Chartist Movement. London 1920, p. 294.Google Scholar

page 188 note 2) Life and Struggles of William, Lovett. London 1920. I, p. 94.Google Scholar

page 188 note 3) Mark, Hovell, The Chartist Movement. Manchester 1925, p. 56.Google Scholar

page 189 note 1) Louis, Bertrand, Histoire de la démocratic et du socialisme en Belgique depuis 1830. 1906. I, p. 139.Google Scholar

page 189 note 2) Julien, Kuypers, Jacob, Kats Agitator. Brussels 1930, p. 208.Google Scholar

page 190 note 1) Cf. The Constitutional. London, 1112, 1836.Google Scholar For complete text see Appendix I. The Constitutional issued the manifesto in English and in French. In Belgium, it appeared in L'Observateur, 11 19, 1836.Google Scholar

page 190 note 2) Cf. Le Courrier beige, 01 24, 1837: Réponse des Ouvriers beiges à l'adresse des Ouvriers anglais. For complete text see Appendix II. The original Flemish text was published in Den waren Volksvriend, 12 29, 1836, no copy of which is known.Google Scholar

page 191 note 1) Kuypers, , op. cit., p. 206.Google Scholar

page 191 note 2) Under the title: Adresse des Londoner Arbeitervereins an die arbeitenden Klassen Belgiens, Hollands und Deutschlands. 1 pag. 4° 2 columns. The text is altered in different places. The collection of the International Institute for Social History contains a copy of this address.

page 191 note 3) Fr. IIse, L., Geschichte der politischen tersuchungen… Frankfurt aM 1860, pp. 418, 424, 484.Google Scholar

page 191 note 4) For the AtelierCuvillier, cf. A., Un journal d'Ouvriers. L'Atelier (1840–1850). Paris 1914.Google Scholar

page 191 note 5) Atelier, 07 31, 1843 and 03, 1844. (D'une Fédération européenne).Google Scholar

page 191 note 6) Puech, Cf. J. L., La tradition socialiste en France et la Société des Nations. Paris, 1921.Google Scholar

page 192 note 1) Atelier, 10 13, 1842.Google Scholar

page 192 note 2) Atelier, 01 30, 1843.Google Scholar

page 192 note 3) In 1840 English tailors sent financial support to their fellow tradesmen on strike in Paris, cf. Atelier, 09 1840.Google Scholar

page 192 note 4) Jules-L, . Pucch, , La vie et l'œuvre de Flora Tristan. 1803–1844. (L'Union ouvrière.) Paris 1925, pp. 99–100, 303.Google Scholar

page 192 note 5) Lorenz von Stein has justly stated this before. Cf. Geschichte der sozialen Bewegung in Frankreich, ed. Gottfried, Salomon, München 1921. II, p. 478.Google Scholar

page 192 note 6) Flora Tristan, L'Union ouvriére. Ed. populaire, . Paris, 1843, p. 74.Google Scholar

page 193 note 1) Wermuth-Stieber, , Die ommunisten-Verschworungen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts… Berlin 1853, p. 13. Use, op. cit., p. 448.Google Scholar

page 193 note 2) Cf. the foreword: An die Deutschen to the pamphlet: Manifest der polnischen demokratischen Verbindungen, dated January 1838; Giinther Weber, Die polnische Emigration im neunzehnten Jahrhundert, 1937, p. 77.

page 193 note 3) de la Hodde, L., Histoire des ociétés secrètes et du Parti Républicain de 1813 á 1848. Paris 1850, p. 90.Google Scholar

page 193 note 4) Georges, Weill, Histoire du Parti Républicain en France de 1840 á 1870. Paris 1900, p. 258. Günther Weber, op. cit., pp. 47, 48.Google Scholar

page 193 note 5) Michel, Sokolnicki, Les Origines de I'émigration Polonaise en France. 1831–1832. Paris 1910, pp. 125, 126.Google Scholar

page 193 note 6) Some authors consider the Polish emigration even the origin and the main factor of the idea of proletarian internationalism: “The exiles of Poland, being scattered far and wide over the Continent, formed a cosmopolitan network of conspiracy, and were the means of bringing into a loose communion the disaffected portions of the European proletariat.” (Fisher, H. A. L., The Republican Tradition in Europe, p. 213. Cited by West, op. cit., p. 227);Google ScholarSokolnicki, , op. cit., p. 126 writes: “A study of the history of these relations between the French and the Polish revolutionaries leads us back to the origination of the idea of a federation of the peoples.”Google Scholar

page 194 note 1) Wermuth, Stieber, op. cit., p. 13.Google Scholar

page 194 note 2) In the literature on the subject the cause of this party-split is attributed to the clash between the exclusively republican and the socialist principles (cf. amongst others Ewerbeck in his book: L'AlIemagne et les Allemands, Paris 1851, pp.588/589), but this statement does not hold good, if it were only for the fact that Dr. Schuster, the author of Gedanken eines Republikaners, who developed in contradistinction to Venedey along socialist lines, remained a member of the Bund der Geächteten after the split. One of the principal causes that brought about this split is probably the opposition of the members against the secret leadership. Cf. particularly Fehling, A. W., Karl Schapper und die Anfange der Arbeiterbewegung bis zur Revolution von 1848. (Dissertation in MS.) Chapters II & III.Google Scholar

page 194 note 3) llse, , op. cit., p. 490.Google Scholar

page 195 note 1) Georg Adler, Cf., Die Geschichte der ersten sozialpolitischen Arbeiterbewegung in Deutschland… Breslau 1885, p. 81.Google Scholar

page 195 note 2) Lovett, , op. cit. II, p. 314. Lovett also wrote (he first manifesto): “Address to the Friends of Humanity and Justice among all nations.”Google Scholar

page 196 note 1) Dr. Berrier-Fontaine (or: Berryer) was in 1833 secretary of the Société des Droits de I'Homme, fled after the revolt of 1834 and was sentenced by default to deportation. Cf. Cours des Pairs. Affaire du mois d'avril. Rapport fait a la cour par Oirod de l'Ain. Paris 1834, p. 56.

page 196 note 2) Rheinische Jahrbücher zur gesellschaftlichen Reform. Herausgegeben von Hermann Püttman. 1846, pp. 1–19.

page 196 note 3) For the history of the Fraternal Democrats see Rothstein's, description based on The Northern Star: Aus der Vorgeschichte der Internationale. Ergänzungsheft zur Neuen Zeit, 1913. Nr. 17, pp. 7–26.Google Scholar Reprinted in: Rothstein, Th., Beitrage zur Geschichteder Arbeiterbewegung in England. 1929, pp. 163–206.Google Scholar

page 197 note 1) When in the spring of 1846 war threatened to break out between the United States and Great Britain, the Fraternal Democrats reacted with demonstrations and published a manifesto to the working classes of both countries, written by Harney. There it was proclaimed that all wars are waged merely at the cost of the working masses, that they avert attention from the social problem and put off emancipation. A war between the two nations would only promote barbaric national prejudices. Schluter, Cf. H., Die Anfänge der Deutschen Arbeiterbewegung in Amerika. Stuttgart 1907, pp. 41–44.Google Scholar On July 4, 1846 another manifesto was issued, signed by Moll, Harney, Schapper, Jean A. Michelot, Peter Holm (Scandinavia), A. Nemeth (Hungary), Henri Hubert (Switzerland). The text was published in Democratisches Taschenbuch fur das Deutsche Volk. Leipzig, 1849, pp. 264–272.Google Scholar

page 197 note 2) “A society aiming at the alliance and the fraternization of all nations has been established in Brussels under the name of “Association democratique”, founded by the undersigned, and open to all those who wish to affiliate, indifferent of their country, profession or class…”. The rules and constitution were adopted at the meeting of November 7, 1847. Cf. Le Débat social, organe de la démocratie. 11 14, 1847; also the numbers of 10 3 and 31, 1847; 11 21, 1847; 12 5, 12 and 26,1847; 01 16 and 06 II, 1848.Google Scholar

page 197 note 1) Bertrand, , op. cit, p. 209 et seq.; 257–268; 309 et seq.Google Scholar

page 198 note 1) The “Fraternal Democrats” assembling in London to the Democratic Association for promoting “the fraternity of all nations”, assembling in Brussels, signed by O. Julian Harney, Ernest Jones, Charles Keen and Thomas Clark — Great Britain; J. A. +Michelot and H. Bernard — France; Carl Schapper and Joseph Moll — Germany; Louis Oborski — Poland; J. Schabelitz — Switzerland; Peter Holm — Scandinavia. After the text in The Northern Star, December 11, 1847, reprinted in Marx-Engels Gesammtausgabe. 1. Abteilung, Bd. VI, pp. 634–636. See also pp. 625–636 for the extensive report of the meeting, after the text in the Northern Star, December 4, 1847 (under the title: The Polish Revolution, important public meeting).Google Scholar

page 198 note 2) According to Marx (Herr, Vogt, 1860, p. 34)Google Scholar the central council had been in London since T840, an opinion expressed in the entire literature on the Bund der Gerechten and the Kommunistenbund. (Cf. Carl Griinberg, Die Londoner Kommunistische Zeitschrift und andere Urkunden aus den Jahren 1847/1848. Leipzig 1921, and all the literature mentioned there.) The circulars of the central council of November 1846 and February 1847, reprinted in Demokratisches Taschenbuch fiir 1848, pp. 282 et seq., in which mention is made of a new central council, point to the fact that it was taken over from Paris by Schapper c. s. no earlier than 1846. This is also Fehling's opinion in view of other data as well. (Fehling, Cf., op. cit., p. 72).Google Scholar

page 199 note 1) Nor had the famous manifesto any direct influence, “it practically remained entirely unheeded for the time being” (Valentin, , Geschichte der deutschen Revolution von 1848–1849. Berlin 1930. I, p. 287).Google Scholar “It has not had any marked influence on the revolutionary movement” (Gustav, Mayer, Friedrich Engels. The Hague 1934. I, p. 288).Google Scholar

page 199 note 2) The existence of this organization and its memorandum of association became only known through the publication of Ryazanov in the Russian “Bulletin of the Marx-Engels Institute”, Moscow—Leningrad 1926. No. 1, pp. 5–11, where the French text is reprinted. This and the original German text are reprinted also in Unter dem Banner des Marxismus, 1928, pp. 141–142.

page 199 note 3) Karl, Marx. Chronik seines Lebens. Moscow 1934, p. 97.Google Scholar

page 199 note 4) After the February revolution the central committee had been transferred to Brussels on March 3, 1848, it authorized Marx to organize another central committee in Paris, which constituted itself after about a week with Marx as president, Schapper as secretary, and Engels, Moll, Wallau and Bauer as members. Shortly after Marx dissolved the League: in view of the freedom of meeting and the liberty of the press he was of the opinion that there was no reason for its further existence. Schapper andMoll implicitly wished to continue it. In the spring of 1849 Schapper announced that in London the former members of the Kommunistenbund had founded another branch, and established a new central committee consisting of Moll, Harry Bauer and Eccarius. The new central committee had drafted new rules, and Schapper had been instructed to organize a branch at Cologne, likewise without Marx's permission. At a subsequent meeting in February 1849, where Moll was present as delegate from London, but Marx and Engels also, the latter voted against the new organization and the draft of the new rules. Cf. the evidence of Roser, (who was sentenced to six years'confinement in the trial of the communists at Cologne), on the strength of the documents of the Berlin Polizeipräsidium, published in: Otto, Manchen-Helfen and Boris, Nicolajewsky, Karl und Jenny Marx, 1933, pp. 149–163.Google Scholar

page 200 note 1) Wermuth-Stieber, , op. cit., p. 270.Google Scholar

page 200 note 2) Similarly as in 1872 Marx induced the majority of the Hague congress of the International, which constituted the minority of the International, to transfer the general council to New York.

page 200 note 3) West, , op. cit., p. 230.Google Scholar

page 200 note 4) Hovell, , op. cit., p. 312.Google Scholar

page 201 note 1) Home Office Papers, O. S., 4816; Foreign Office Papers, 27: 1233. Cited by Alvin, R. Caiman, Ledru-Rollin aprés 1848 et les proscits francais en Angleterre. Paris 1921, p. 135.Google Scholar

page 201 note 2) Refugees after the insurrection of May 1938 had founded in London the “Société Democratique Frangaise”, which drafted a programme in its session of November 18, 1839: Rapport sur les mesures a prendre et les moyens a employer, pour mettre la France dans une voie revolutionnaire, le lendemain d'une insurrection victorieuse effectuee dans son sein. De I'imprimerie de Thompson, Londres (1840). 16 pp. After a discussion the programme was adopted on September 14, 1840 and distributed in France. Emigrants of other nationalities had also participated in the discussions for this programme. Fourniere, Cf. E., Le Règne de Louis-Philippe (1830–1848). Paris n.d., pp. 489–490.Google Scholar The text of the pamphlet was reprinted in the Report of the Attorney a propos of the attentat of Darmés, Cour des Pairs. Attentat du 15 octobre 1840. Rapport fait a la Cour par Girod, pp. 73 et seq. In April or May 1847 the “Societe Democratique Francaise” joined the, Arbeiterbildurigsverein”. Nettlau, Cf. M., Marxanalekten in OrUnberg's “Archiv”, 1919. VIII, p. 392.Google Scholar

page 201 note 3) Later on Bratianu and Kossuth also ranked among them. Rothstein (Beiträge, p. 260) wrongly mentions Herzen as one of the members.

page 202 note 1) Van Bevervoorde was president of the Dutch committee, Vandervoo secretary. Cf. the address of the Comité Central de l'Association Democratique en Hollande in La Voix du Proscrit, No 7, 8 decembre 1850. The former also played a part in the “Association Democratique”. Hans Stein, Cf., Der Amsterdammer Arbeiterbildungsverein…, in the International Review for Social History, Vol. 11, pp. 126–131.Google Scholar

page 202 note 2) Le Proscrit. Journal de la République universelle. Paris—Londres. No. 1, 07 5, 1850; No 2, 08 1850, 76 pp.;Google ScholarLa Voix da Proscrit, Organe de la République universelle. 1850—1851. 25 and 20 Nos., 372, 296 pp.;Google ScholarLe Peuple, Journal des Proscrits et de la Republique universelle. No. 1, 11 29, 1851. 16 pp.Google Scholar

page 202 note 3) Félix, Thomas, Pierre Leroux. Paris 1904, pp. 127–127;Google ScholarFélix, Bonnaud, Etienne Cabet et son ceuvre. Paris 1900, p. 120.Google Scholar

page 202 note 4) Cf. The Leader, 06 5, 1852, p. 529.Google Scholar

page 202 note 5) According to a letter of Cabet to Beluze. Prudhommeaux, Cf. J., Icarie et son Fondateur Etienne Cabet Paris 1907, pp. 270 et seq.;Google ScholarGustave, Lefrancais, Souvenirs d'un Revolutionnaire. Bruxelles 1902, p. 195.Google Scholar

page 202 note 6) The Leader, 06 12, 1852, pp. 557–558. Also issued as a prospectus. Acte de société; Londres 10 mai 1852, in 4°, 4 pp.Google Scholar (Prudhommeaux, Cf., op. cit., p. XXVII).Google Scholar

page 202 note 7) Apart from the members of the committee: Louis Blanc, Cabet and Pierre Leroux, further signed as members of the council: Bandsept; J. Ph. Berjeau; Boura; Aug. Desmoulins; Clement Dulac; Philippe Faure; Ernest Lebloys; Jules Leroux; Malardier; Malarmet; Nadaud; Louis Netre; Pelletier; Rouet; Sabatier; Alfr. Talandier; Thierry; Thore, T.. A propos of this Union socialiste Cœurderoy wrote in the pamphlet La Barriére du Combat (Bruxelles 1852): “So long as it is not too late, throttle this design ofalliance which you cherish so dearly, and which you shall never execute. It would be the starting-point of a new split, more turbulent than all the others.”Google Scholar

page 203 note 1) Albeit, Tnomas, Le second empire (1852–1870). Paris w. d., p. 97.Google Scholar

page 203 note 2) Tchernoff, I., Le Parti Républicain au coup d'etat et sous le second Empire… Paris 1906, p. 131.Google Scholar

page 203 note 3) Symptomatic were the lines, which Joseph Déjacque recited at the funeral of one of the French refugees on June 24, 1852, in which he associated that day with June 1848:,, Alors comme aujourd'hui, / En juin, quarante-huit, /C'etait jour d'hecatombe; … Aujourd'hui, cnmme alors, assassins et victimes / Se trouvent en presence! …Enseignements sublimes! / Ceux qui nous proscrivaient, a leur tour sont proscrits… C'est que toujours le crime est un appel au crime. / Le coup d'fitat de Juin, ce vampire anonyme, En vous, tribuns, en vous, bourgeois, s'est incarne, / Et Deccmbre n'en est que l'enfant legitime.” Cf. Vers récités le 24 Juin, 1852, sur la tombe d'un Proscrit. 1 p. Lefrangais, op. cit., pp. 204/205 has described the event and the dismay of the exdictators Ledru-Rollin and Louis Blanc, who were present.

page 204 note 1) Written in connection with a banquet held in London on February 24, 1851 (cf. Le Banquet des Egaux. Londres, 24 février. Paris, Au Bureau du Nouveau Monde, 48 pp.). Blanqui forwarded the manuscript from the prison in Belle-Isle to Barthélemy in London, with the intention of making his views known to the French refugees but evidently not with the intention of having it read out at the banquet. Cf. Gustave, Oeffroy, L'Enferme. Paris 1904, p. 190;Google ScholarMaurice, Dommanget, Blanqui. Paris 1924, pp. 66–68;Google ScholarIdem, Auguste Blanqui á Belle-Isle (1850–1857). Paris 1935, pp. 63 et seq.Google Scholar

page 204 note 2) Commissaire, S., Mémoires et souvenirs. II. 1888, p. 77.Google Scholar

page 204 note 3) Cf. Lettre de Félix Pyat aux électeurs de la Seine. Supplement á la Démocratic pacifique du 12 November 1849; 2 pp. in-fol. Felix, Pyat, Loisirs d'un proscrit. Paris 1851, 144 pp.,Google Scholar Lettre de Félix Pyat á M. Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte. Paris 1851, 46 pp. In 1869 Pyat returned to France, edited from 1870 to 1871 Le Vengear, Le Combat et La Commune, and became a deputy in 1888, after his return from his second exile. He published amongst other things: Le Proscrit et La France. Paris 1869, 62 pp. Discours. Paris 1869, 62 pp. Cahiers du Peuple. Paris 1885, 102 pp.Google Scholar

page 205 note 1) Cf. J. B. Boichot, La Révolution dans l'armée Française. Election des sousofficiers en 1849. Bruxelles 1865, 212 pp.; Nouvelle, ed. revue, corrigée et augmentée: La Révolution dans l'armee. Paris w.d., 196 pp.Google Scholar

page 205 note 2) Boichot, Cf. J. B., Souvenirs d'un prisonnier d'fitat sous le Second Empire. Leipzig 1867, pp. 5–6. A new revised edition appeared in 1869. A third edition (Paris s.d., Librairie du Progrés) is not quite identical with the Leipzig edition. Boichot further published: La question de demain. Esquisse d'une nouvelle organisation politique et sociale. Bruxelles 1869, 92 pp.; La Question du moment. Lettres adressées aux membres du Gouvernement sur la défense nationale. Bruxelles 1870, 22 pp.; République et Patrie. Bruxelles 1870, 16 pp.; Esquisse d'une organisation démocratique de la force publique en France. Paris 1882–1883, 45 pp. and numerous popular-scientific works and dramas.Google Scholar

page 205 note 3) M. Caussidiere, Memoires. II. Chapt. XIII.

page 205 note 4) The author of: Mémoires d'un enfant du peuple. Avec une préface par Félix Pyat. Genéve 1852, 366 pp.

page 205 note 5) La Commune de Paris, No. 30, April 7, 1848.

page 205 note 6) Colfavru, Cf., Deux Mots au public. Prétexte et vérité. Paris 1851, 48 pp.Google Scholar

page 205 note 7) Weill, G., Histoire du Parti Républicain en France de 1814–1870. Paris 1900, p. 362.Google Scholar

page 206 note 1) In Jersey he edited a weekly La Ligue, organe de I'opinion pubique et des reformes á Jersey. (1858—1860). After the amnesty of 1859 he returned; wrote juridical works; was one of the founders of La Révolution Française, a judge at Cairo, a deputy in 1885 and so forth.Google ScholarJean-Claude Colfavru, Cf.. Notice par Etienne Charavay, 1891. 15 pp.Google Scholar

page 206 note 2) The brochure L'Empire, la Famine et la Honte, n.p. n.d., 12 pp., issued by the Jersey “Commune revolutionnaire” is signed by Valliére, Colfavru and Alavoine. Their names also figure under the publication in whicn Hubert is exposed as an agent provocateur: A la France. L' Agent provocateur Hubert. Lu et adopté a l'unanimité par l'assemblée générate des proscrits républicains résidant á Jersey, , le 11 11 1853.Google ScholarJersey, , Imprimerie Universelle, 16 pp.Google Scholar

page 206 note 3) Londres, Imprimerie Universelle 1857, 12 pp.

page 206 note 4) Besson delivered a speech at a meeting in commemoration of the Revolution of 1848 on February 24, 1861. Cf. Anniversaire des Révolutions de 1848. Célébre á Genéve. Londres, Imprimerie Universelle 1861, 28 pp. (According to Nettlau however probably printed at Geneva. Der Vorfriihling der Anarchie, Cf.Berlin 1921, p. 221).Google Scholar

page 206 note 5) Felix, Thomas, op. cit., p. 191; “Gustav Jourdain, etudiant” was one of the subscribers to Flora Tristan's “Union ouvriere”. (Cf. Union ouvriere, 3e ed. Paris 1844, p. XXV).Google Scholar

page 206 note 6) Alphonse, Lucas, Les clubs et les clubistes… Paris 1851, p. 154. According to Lucas this club was one of the most advanced socialist clubs, and half of its members fell on the barricades during the June days.Google Scholar

page 206 note 7) Saint-Ferreoi, A., Les proscrits Français en Belgique. Paris 1871, p. 63.Google Scholar

page 206 note 8) Jourdain was present as interpreter at the meeting on July 23, 1863; subsequent to the public meeting in favour of the Poles in St. James's Hall on July 22, 1863. A French delegation had come to London to attend this meeting. An address of the English to the French workers, translated into French by professor Beesly and adopted by the meeting of July 23, was taken over to France by Jourdain. Cf., D. Rjazanov, Entstehung der Internationalen Arbeiter Assoziation in Marx-Engels Archiv. I, p. 170. Jourdain belonged to the General Council of the First International; he was appointed in the first session of the committee that had been chosen at the public meeting of September 28. Cf. Minutes of the Meeting of the General Council, October 5, 1864, in Founding of the First International. A documentary Record. New York 1937, p. 19.Google Scholar

page 207 note 1) Cf. Discours de Félix Pyat prononcé le 19 avril 1857 stir la Tombe de Rougée, Proscrit français. Londres, Imprimerie universelle de Zeno Swietoslawski. 4 pp.

page 207 note 2) Cour des Pairs, Attentats des 12 et 13 mai 1839, Proces Verbal des Séances. Paris 1839—1840, p. 376; Rapport fait á la cour par Mérilhou, M., seconde serie des Faits particuliers. Paris 1839, p. 87.Google Scholar

page 207 note 3) Martin, Bernard, Dix ans de prison au Mont-Saint-Michel et á la Citadelle de Doullens. Londres-Bruxelles 1854, p. 223.Google Scholar

page 207 note 4) According to A. Zevaes, Les proscrits Français en 1848 et 1851 á Londres (La Révolution de 1848. T. XXiéme, p. 366).

page 207 note 5) Tchernoff, I., op. cit., p. 231.Google Scholar

page 207 note 6) Cf., Philippe Faure, Journal d'un combattant de février. Jersey 1859, p. 237.Google Scholar

page 207 note 7) Holyoake, G. J., Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life. London 1906. II, p. 66.Google Scholar

page 207 note 8) The editors of the The Working Man took the initiative for the Working Men's International Welcome Committee for the reception of the French workers' delegation to the World Exhibition in London on August 5, 1862.

page 207 note 9) Jersey, Imprimerie universelle 1854, 10 pp. Curderoy published: Trois lettres au journal „l'Homme”, organe de la demagogie française a l'etranger. London [1854], 28 pp.

page 207 note 10) Cf., A. Richard, Bakounine et l'Internationale á Lyon (La Revue de Paris, 1 09 1896, p. 121.)Google Scholar

page 207 note 11) Appointed in the session of the General Committee of October 11, 1864, according to the minutes of this session. Cf. Founding of the First International, op. cit, p. 23. In 1864 and 1865 Talandier wrote articles from London for L'Association; one of its editors was Elisée Reclus. He was also editor of the Défense Républicaine, which was suppressed on May 27, 1871. After the Commune he issued the brochure: Conciliation. Limoges-Paris 1871, 53 pp. In 1883 he edited La République démocratique et seciale, to which contributed among others Félix Pyat and Elisée Reclus. He became a deputy.Google Scholar

page 208 note 1) See the list of publications Appendix III.

page 208 note 2) Boichot, Souvenirs d'un Prisonnier d'Etat. ed. 1867, p. 94.

page 208 note 3) St., Ferreol, op. cit. I, p. 75.Google Scholar

page 208 note 4) La vraie République, 26 avril 1848.

page 208 note 5) Lucas, op. cit., p. 56 et seq.

page 208 note 6) Les Murailles révolutionnaires de 1848. Paris n. d. II, p. 417.

page 208 note 7) Bruxelles 1852, 32 pp. The English text also appeared in The Leader of April 10, 1852. The answer, which the Nation had refused to publish and which appeared together with Mazzini's article, was signed by A. Bianchi, Louis Blanc, Cabet, Landolphe, Jules Leroux, Pierre Leroux, Malarmet, Nadaud, L. Vasbenter, all of them proscrits.

page 208 note 8) In the address delivered by Mazzini on February 11, 1852 in the founded Society of the Friends of Italy (The Leader, London02 14, 1852, pp. 146–148)Google Scholar and in the article: Devoir de la Démocratic, in the Belgian paper La Nation, Louis Blanc replied in a series of articles (The Leader, February 21 and 28; March 6, 13 and 20; April 17 and May 22.) This controversy lead to the publication of the brochure by Curderoy and Octave Vautier, La Barriére du Combat, which turned both against the antisocialism of Mazzini and the chauvinism of the French socialists. In France George Sand raised a protest and Proudhon wrote a fierce and crushing reply from his prison Sainte-Pélagie. It is not enough, Proudhon exclaimed, that in these last four months in France and throughout Europe cries have been raised to root out the revolutionaries of this age—it is also necessary that you add to it your pastoral instructions and your admonitions, and at such a moment when thousands of citizens, justly or unjustly stamped as socialists, are being expelled, deported, arrested… Let us alone at last, citoyen Mazzini; your task, which you performed so deplorably, has come to an end: you are an encumbrance to the Revolution. (Correspondance de P. J. Proudhon, T. IV. Paris 1875, pp. 262–265). Mazzini remained the proclaimed enemy of Socialism and some years later he was to hold French Socialism once more responsible for the European reaction. “The French Socialism of Fourier, Proudhon and others, who have taught that social reforms may be achieved independently of the form of Government, and thus separated social from political reform, has generated the tyranny which now weighs upon all France, and through France upon all Europe.” (Joseph, Mazzini, The late Genoese Insurrection defended. Parties in Italy: What are they? What have they done? London 1858, p. 25.)Google Scholar In December 1858 the International Association once more turned against Mazzini in an extensive and revolutionary manifesto. See Infra, p. 48. In 1871 Bakunin directed his masterly pamphlet against Mazzini, when the latter had once again attacked Socialism, calumniated the Commune choked in blood, and denounced the International. (Roma del Popolo, July 13, 1871; cf. the text in Alfredo Angiolini, Cinquant Anni di Socialismo in Italia. Firenze 1903, pp. 78 et seq.) Bakunin wrote amongst other things: “It is not for the first time that Mazzini abuses and defames the people of Paris. In 1848, after the memorable June days, which ushered in the era of the socialist working-class movement in Europe and of the proletariat claiming their rights, Mazzini issued a manifesto full of wrath, cursing the Paris working men and Socialism alike. To the workmen of 1848, heroically and sublimely devoted to their cause, like their children of 1871 and like them massacred, imprisoned and transported wholesale by the bourgeois republic, Mazzini repeated all the calumnies which Ledru-Rollin and his other friends, those quasi red republicans of France, had used to gloss in the eyes of the world, or perhaps in their own eyes, their ridiculous and shameful impotence.” (Bakounine, , La Théologie politique de Mazzini et l'Internationale. 1871, p. 15; Euvres VI, Paris 1913, pp. 124–125.) Bakunin's reply to Mazzini, a pamphlet of 32 pp., appeared August 14, 1871, as a supplement to the daily paper Gazettino Rosa at Milan under the title of: Riposta d'un Internazionale a Giuseppe Mazzini, per M. Bakounine, membro dell'Associazione Internazionale dei Lavorati. The impression of Bakunin's reply was considerable, and helped to pave the way for the anti-authoritarian International in Italy.Google Scholar

page 209 note 1) Representant du peuple, physician and government-commissioner after 1848 (Biographie des neuf cents députes à l'Assemblée nationale. Paris 1849, p. 351).

page 209 note 2) Commissaire, op. cit. II, p. 78.

page 209 note 3) Cf. the official report of the trial, to be found in Ch., De Bussy, Les Conspirateurs en Angleterre 1848—1858. Paris 1858, p. 348.Google Scholar

page 210 note 1) Calman, , op. cit., p. 137. According to Calman the physician Lacambre as well. He was a member of the Société des Saisons; a friend of Blanqui's; one of the most active revolutionists after 1848; president of the Club la Société Républicaine, Blanqui's club; was arrested on May 15, but escaped from prison together with Barthélemy. (Lacambre, Evasion des Prisons du Conseil de Guerre. Episode de juin 1848, Bruxelles 1865.) His stay in London did not last long however (p. 108). That he should have been a member of the “Commune révolutionnaire” is almost impossible since he was already in Spain as early as the summer of 1852. (Cf. the letter of Blanqui to Maillard of June 6, 1852, reprinted in: Dommanget, Blanqui à Belle-Isle), p. 187.Google Scholar

page 210 note 2) (B. Desquesnes), Esquisse autobiographique d'une victime du coup d'état du 2 décembre 1851. Crime et parjure de Louis Bonaparte, Blackpool 1888, 30 pp.

page 210 note 3) Cf. Le Prolétaire, October 5, 1858. He also contributed to „Le Libertaire”.Google Scholar

page 210 note 4) For instance hidden in the inside of the bas-reliefs of the British Museum or in the bust of the empress, which were dispatched to France. Cf., Desquesnes, op. cit., p. 26.Google Scholar

page 210 note 5) Among whom Raoul Bravard, Auguste Berlier, Silvain, Ch., De Bussy, op. cit., pp. 339 et seq.Google Scholar

page 210 note 6) Boichot to five years', Poirier to one year's, Mme Marie-Antoinette Coingt to two years' imprisonment. Boichot, , op. cit., ed. 1867, p. 94.Google Scholar

page 211 note 1) Manifesto of November 27, 1850, signed by: Ledru-Rollin, Darasz, Mazzini and Arnold Ruge. La Voix du Proscrit, December 1, 1850. On the shares issued by the Comitato Nazionale Italiano was printed: Prestito Nazionale Italiano. Direito unicamente ad affretare l'indipendenza e la libertà d'ltalia. Dio e Popolo. Italia e Roma.

page 211 note 2) For Kinkel's enterprise cf., Carl Schurz, Lebenserinnerungen. Berlin 1920. I, pp. 383 et seq.Google Scholar

page 211 note 3) Hypolite Magen, Histoire du Second Empire. Paris 1878, p. 571.

page 211 note 4) Cf. the correspondence of the Belgian Minister of Justice and his colleague of Foreign Affairs, and of the latter and the Belgian Ambassador in London, reprinted in Appendix IV.

page 211 note 5) L'Exilé, Almanach pour 1851, rédigé par L. Avril, Boichot, Félix Pyat, etc. J. Ph. Becker — “colonel Badois proscrit” — also contributed to it. He wrote: Liberty shall only triumph with the triumph of Socialism, and Socialism shall only be victorious when the revolutionary forces of all the nations shall have formed an unconquerable phalanx against all privileges. (l'Exilé, p. 10).

page 212 note 1) Tchernoff, , op. cit, p. 112.Google Scholar

page 212 note 2) Cf., R. G. Gammage, History of the Chartist Movement. 1837—1854. London 1894, p. 386.Google Scholar

page 212 note 3) For Finlen: cf., Gammage, pp. 389 et seq.Google Scholar

page 212 note 4) Cf., Jones's comment in The People's Paper of 01 6 and 02 10, 1855.Google Scholar

page 213 note 1) For the report of the meeting, “the largest meeting of the committee yet held”, under the presidency of George Harrison cf. The People's Paper, January 27.

page 213 note 2) The People's Paper, February 3 and 10.

page 213 note 3) The Russian printing-office in London also published a report of the meeting.

page 214 note 1) Discours d'Alexander Herzen, Exilé Russe, prononcé au meeting tenu le 27 février 1855, dans St.-Martin's Hall, à Londres, en Commémoration des grands mouvements révolutionnaires de 1848. Jersey, Imprimerie Universelle, 12 pp.

page 215 note 1) John Bedford Leno (1826—1892), a printer-poet, who had been the editor of the chartist paper The Spirit of Freedom, which appeared at Uxbridge. He belonged to the left wing of Chartism and was a friend of Harney. In 1858 he founded a society, called The Propagandist. He wrote several volumes of poems and an autobiography The Aftermath (London 1892). He played a prominent part in the movement for suffrage reform of 1865—66. (West, op. cit., p. 277; Gammage, , op. cit., p. 346). At the meeting in St. Martin's Hall on September 28, 1864, he was elected a member of the Committee, whose task it was to work out the programme and the rules and constitution of the future International.Google Scholar

page 215 note 2) The People's Paper, 03 23, 1855.Google Scholar

page 215 note 3) Adresse du Comité International, L'Homme, 18 juiilet 1855.

page 215 note 4) L'Homme, 09 10, 1855, where Dombrowski announces the meeting of September 22 in his function of secretary of the International Committee.Google Scholar

page 215 note 5) L'Homme, 10 10, 1858; also issued as a brochure: Lettre à la Reine d'Angleterre. Londres, 22 septembre 1855, signed: le Comité de la Commune révolutionnaire, Félix Pyat, Rougée, G. Jourdain. 15 pp.Google Scholar

page 215 note 6) After a three years' stay in London he left for Brasil, where he died on June 13, 1861. Cf. Notice sur Ribeyrolles in his posthumous historical novel: Les Compagnons de la mort. Paris 1863, I—XXIV pp.

page 215 note 7) He published: Pianciani, L., De la révolution et de l'ltalie. Imprimerie Universelle, Londres et Jersey, 11 1854, 30 pp. In The Reasoner, November 4, 1855, he described the events in Jersey, where the inhabitants were summoned by posters to hold a demonstration and where his private address was wrongly stated as the address of the office of L'Homme, whose manager he was.Google Scholar

page 216 note 1) One of the prisoners of Mont-Saint-Michel.

page 216 note 2) For the text of Victor Hugo's statement and the history of the expulsion cf., Victor Hugo, Actes et Paroles pendant l'Exile, I, 1853—1861.Google Scholar Paris w.d., pp. 159—167; Charles, Hugo, Les Hommes de l'Exil. Paris 1875 (2éme ed.), pp. 174–304.Google Scholar

page 216 note 3) In The Reasoner, December 16 and 23, 1855; and in L'Homme, December 28, 1858.

page 216 note 4) L'Homme, 12 1, 1855.Google Scholar

page 216 note 5) Issued as a pamphlet of the Commune révolutionnaire, signed by Félix Pyat, Rougée and Jourdain.

page 216 note 6) L'Homme, 03 1, 1856; Le Prolétaire, 03 9, 1856, which contains Talandier's speech in full.Google Scholar

page 217 note 1) L'Homme, 03 29, 1856. Apart from the above-mentioned members, Talandier and Fontaine had also been members of the International Committee. Cf. the convocation for the International Committee to the French socialist republicans in London for a meeting, signed by both of them. (L'Homme, October 21, 1855). Fontaine, presumably Léon Fontaine, afterwards contributed to the Rive Gauche and edited the French edition of Alexander Herzen's Kolokol, (La Cloche) (1862—1865), which appeared in Brussels. He also participated in the democratic congress of 1863 in Brussels, where a universal federated society was to be established.Google Scholar

page 218 note 1) This explains the continual variation in the names of the members of the Committee, and accounts for the fact that in view of the proletarian character of this organization we find ourselves confronted with altogether unknown personalities, of whom no biographical details are to be found.

page 218 note 2) This annual report was issued as a pamphlet written in French: Rapport annuel du Comité International à toutes les nationalités. Londres, imprimé par F. Martin, 8 pp. A copy is in the collection of the International Institute for Social History in Amsterdam. The complete text is reprinted in Appendix V. It constitutes one of the few documentary sources by the side of the scanty newspaper-reports. Part of the report was printed in English in The People's Paper, May 3, 1856.

page 219 note 1) Reynold's Newspaper, 05 11, 1856.Google Scholar

page 219 note 2) Cf. the text in Appendix VI.

page 220 note 1) Audiganne, A., Les Populations ouvriéres et les Industries de la France. Paris 1860. Tome I, pp. 351–352. These figures only stand for the associations subventioned by the government, and not for the hundreds of others that arose in the years between 1848 and 1851. The numbers vary. Les associations ouvriéres de Production, published by the Office du Travail, Paris 1907, mentions the numbers 175–200 (p. 24). According to Véron, Les Associations ouvriéres, Paris 1865, there existed in the beginning of 1860 no more than 12 of the non-subventioned associations.Google Scholar

page 220 note 2) The rules and constitution have been published by Carl, Grünberg in Archiv für die Geschichte des Sozialismus and der Arbeiterbewegung. 1913. Band III, pp. 486–511.Google Scholar

page 221 note 1) Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's International Association, established September 28, 1864… (London) Printed at the “Bee-hive” Newspaper Office. 1864, p.10.

page 221 note 2) From one of the drafts of a programme drawn up by Bakunin 1866 for an international revolutionary organization which he intended to found. Michael Bakunin, Cf., Gesammelte Werke. Berlin 1924. III, p. 13.Google Scholar

page 222 note 1) L'Homme, May 3, 1856.

page 222 note 2) No reference is made to this fact in the report of the meeting in The People's Paper, 05 10, 1856.Google Scholar

page 222 note 3) According to a notice in the Londoner Deutsches Journal, 08 16, 1856.Google Scholar

page 222 note 4) The ex-president of the “Club des Clubs” (?). Together with Laugier, the author of the brochure: Comité révolutionnaire, Club des Clubs et La Commission. Paris 1850, 133 pp.; cf. Lucas, op. cit. and Suzanne Wassermann, Les Clubs de Barbès et de Blanqui en 1848. Paris 1913. He was at law with Bouton. Victor Bouton, Cf., Profiles Révolutionnaires. 1848–1849, pp. 164–169.Google Scholar

page 223 note 1) Reynold's Newspaper, 08 17, 1856.Google Scholar

page 223 note 2) That these rules appeared already in August 1856 is evident from a document in the State Archives in Vienna under the title of “Internationale Assoziation 1856.” It runs as follows: “Under the title of 1856 a pamphlet has now been distributed by the emigrants in London, containing English, French, German and Polish versions of the rules and constitution of the International Association, printed in the democratic printingoffice of Zeno Zwiçtolawski. These rules and constitution are signed by L. Oborski, J. Nash, and A. Talandier. A reprint of the German text is published in No. 89 of the “Berlin Weekly News” VIII. 25/8.56”. This proves that the rules and constitution must have been printed and distributed between August 10 and 25.

page 223 note 3) Cf. the reprint of the English text of the rules and constitution in Appendix VII after a copy in the Prussian Secret State Archives at Dahlem. (Fond des Berliner Polizei-Präsidiums Prov. Brand. R. 30 C Tit. 94 Lit A. Nr. 205, betr. die Internationale Arbeiter Association in London. Band I.) Mr. B. Nicolajewsky kindly put a photostatic copy, which is in his possession, at my disposal. The French text of the rules and constitution was reprinted in Le Drapeau, 09 27, 1857. In the reproduction of the leaflet on the opposite page the title 1856 is wanting.Google Scholar

page 224 note 1) The decuries, derived from the military and administrative decuriae of Roman antiquity, were also a tradition of the secret republican societies, such as the carbonari (Tchernoff, cf. J., Associations et Soctétés secretes… 1905, p. 133);Google Scholar one of the three most important republican associations at the beginning of the July monarchy, was also divided into decuries, viz. 1'Association libre pour l'éducation du peuple. (Perreux, Cf. G., La Propagande républicaine au début de la Monarchic de juillet. 1930, p. 56).Google Scholar

page 224 note 2) According to paragraph 16 of the Rules and Constitution, which is identical with paragraph 9 of the Provisional Rules of the First International, and which runs: Each member of the International Association, on removing his domicile from one country to another, will receive the fraternal support of the associated working men. Cf. Address and Provisional Rules of the Working Men's International Association… 1864, p. 15.

page 225 note 1) A history of the different organizations of emigrants in London is wanting as yet. Both for the history of the International Committee, and for the history of the International Association the sources are scanty. By the side of The People's Paper and of Reynold's Newspaper, and the French L'Homme, journal de la democratic universelle, Jersey-Londres, 1854–1856, the Belgian papers Le Prolétaire, and Le Drapeau afford information on the subject. Le Prolétaire, edited by N. Coulon appeared every two months from September 23, 1855 onwards. It was a revolutionist-socialist periodical of an anarchist tenor. Le Drapeau, edited by Louis Labarre, began to appear on December 8, 1856, and merged into Le Bien-être social. Both these papers communicated with the International Association and the Commune révolutionnaire; they published reports of their meetings and from time to time manifestoes. The Belgian Institut National d'Histoire sociale in Brussels kindly put its collection of numbers of Le Prolétaire and Le Drapeau at our disposal. It is a pity, however, that a great many numbers are wanting, which are not to be found anywhere else. I wish to express my gratitude to Prof. Oustav Mayer for his investigations into the English press and the collection in the British Museum. Rothstein and Malon are the only authors who have dedicated in their books some pages to the International Association. Rothstein (Beiträge… pp. 207–227) bases his information exclusively on the English papers. Malon, , Histoire du Socialisme. V, pp. 6–12Google Scholar does not mention his sources. In his Lundis socialistes I. Précis historique, théorique et pratique de socialisme. Paris 1892, pp. 124–125 (also in: La Revue socialiste. XI, 1890, p. 147) Malon published an “initial programme” of the International of 1855. Such a programme could not exist in 1855. The text proves to be a combination of some paragraphs of a manifesto of December 1858 and a new programme of January 1859. The list of names of those who signed this above mentioned programme is altogether meaningless in this connection.Google Scholar

page 225 note 2) Bernhard, Becker, Geschichte der Arbeiter-Agitation Ferdinand Lassalle's. Braunschweig 1875, p. 11. Bernhard Becker took part in the insurrection in Baden. In 1862 he returned from London to Germany and became president of the Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverein after the death of Lassalle.Google Scholar

page 226 note 1) Hugo, Hillmann took part in the revolt of 05 1849, after which he fled to Belgium and was expelled from there. Later on he was representative of Elberfeld-Barmen and Sollingen at the foundation congress of the Allgemeine Arbeiterverein at Leipzig, 05 23, 1863.Google Scholar

page 226 note 2) A. Scherzer a tailor from Bavaria. He was the leader of one of the Paris groups of the Kommunistenbund, belonging to the Willich-Schapper section. In February 1852 an action was brought against several members of the Kommunistenbund, and Scherzer was sentenced to three years' imprisonment. (Wermuth-Stieber, , op. cit., pp. 78–102.) He was an adherent of Weitling and from his prison he regularly wrote articles for Weitling's organ, Republik der Arbeiter, in New York. Weitling in New York and the Arbeiterbildangsverein in London raised money to support Scherzer's family during his imprisonment in France. From November 20, 1858 onwards he was editor of Die Neue Zeit. In 1859 he was a member of the corresponding committee of the Arbeiterbildangsverein. He published in November 1843 a pamphlet of poems: Vor Weitlings Gefängnis (8 pp.); he also issued a propagandistic pamphlet: Musestunden und Schweisstropfen. (Paris 1847, 8 pp.).Google Scholar

page 226 note 3) Cf. Scherzer's article in Neuer Social Demokrat, 02 18, 1876.Google Scholar

page 226 note 4) Via Paris he went in 1862 to Warsaw and put himself at the disposal of the national-revolutionary Central Committee which was organizing the insurrection. He gave his attention above all to the agrarian problem. He was arrested on November 20, 1862, and hanged in 1863. Cf. Polski Stownik Biograficzny. Tome, I, p. 5 Kraków, 1935.Google Scholar Edgar Bauer mentions him in his pamphlet: Die Wahrheit über die Internationale. Altona, , 1872. p. 8, but under the name of Adler.Google Scholar

page 227 note 1) Francois-David Lardaux (1814–1866) was sentenced to imprisonment after the coup d'état and deported to Africa: after two years he returned to London; “He took part in the organization of the First International”- thus Talandier (La Rive Gauche, 06 3, 1866)Google Scholar - “which in view of the numerous members of the new [International] who had also belonged to the old one, [the International Association] and in no smaller degree on account of their community of ideas, is in reality the forerunner and pioneer of the present International.” Cf. about him: La Rive Gauche, 05 27, 1866.Google Scholar Lardaux belonged to the “Branche frangaise” of the first International. He was the owner of a restaurant in Soho. It was here that on the day after the meeting in favour of Poland, July 23, 1863, French delegates met with the English. Nettlau, Cf. M., Der Anarchismus von Proudhon zu Kropotkin… Berlin 1927, p. 68.Google Scholar

page 227 note 2) Since little is known about the internal history of the Commune révolutionnaire it is not to be made out who all its members were.

page 227 note 3) Discours prononcé sur la tombe de J. B. Rougée par le citoyen Talandier, 1 p. Cf. also: Discours of Félix Pyat.

page 227 note 4) A complete series of the numbers of the Bulletin International was not to be found in the British Museum nor anywhere else.

page 228 note 1) This sum is mentioned by Edgar Bauer on the strength of the cash-books in his pamphlet: Die Wahrheit über die Internationale, p. 9. Edgar Bauer (1820–1886) belonged, like his brother Bruno Bauer, to the left Heglians. In 1843 he published his anarchist book: Der Streit der Kritik mit Kirche und Staat, for which he was sentenced and only set at liberty through the revolution (March 1848). In 1849 he published a periodical: Die Parteien; after the abortive German revolution he removed to London. He was also one of the editors of Die Neue Zeit, and in 1859 secretary of the International Association.

page 228 note 2) Jeanne-Francoise Déroin also published some years later L'Almanach des Femmes. We also come across Joseph Déjacque in the Club des Femmes. Lucas, Cf., op. cit., pp. 125, 135Google Scholar et seq. For Jeanne Déroin's action of 1848–1849 cf. Léon Abensour, Le Féminisme sous le régne de Louis-Philippe et en 1848. Paris 1913, and Adrien Ranvier, Une Féministe de 1848: Jeanne, Déroin in La Révolution de 1848, Tome IV, pp. 317Google Scholar et seq. The above statement proves that the author's remark that Jeanne Déroin carried on no open political action subsequent to 1855 is incorrect. On October 18, 1857, the Society for the Promotion of Solidarity of Socialist Women was established in London, with the aim of lending mutual assistance for education and work. The programme states among other things that it is the right and the duty of socialist women to unite, to educate each other and to find the means by which they can best participate in the struggle for social emancipation. Cf., Le Drapeau, 11 8,1857.Google Scholar

page 229 note 1) Cf. The reply of the London Committee to the Committee of New York in the first number of the Bulletin, quoted from Le Prolétaire, IIIéme année N°. 10, 17 juin 1857.

page 229 note 2) According to the manifesto of the Central Committee of June 24, 1858, signed by Oborski, Nash and Talandier, published in Le Drapeau of 07 4, 1858.Google Scholar It also appeared in Die Neue Zeit, 07 10, 1858: Manifest des Zentralausschusses des in London tagenden Internationalen Vereins. Signed: Im Namen des Internationalen Zentralausschusses. See French text in Appendix VIII.Google Scholar

page 229 note 3) Schluter, Cf., op. cit., p. 175.Google Scholar

page 229 note 4) The first meeting of the Kommunistenklub was held on 10 25, 1857.Google Scholar President was Kamm, vice-president Komp. (Hermann Schluter, , op. cit., pp. 160–162.)Google Scholar Kamm had taken part in an abortive insurrection of the democrats at Bonn on May 10, 1849. He was on the board of the democratic society. He fled abroad, lived for two years at Geneva before he left for the U.S.A. (Cf. Prozessverhandlungen gegen Gottfried Kinkel und Genossen zu Köln, 29. April bis 2. Mai 1850… Herausgegeben vom Bonner Komitee… Bonn.) For the role Kamm played in the insurrection cf., Karl Schurz, op. cit. Chapt. V. On 12 10, 1857 Kamm wrote to Marx asking his co-operation, and sending him some few copies of the rules of the Kommunistenbund, which as he informed Marx contained 30 members.Google Scholar (Unpublished letter to Marx.) According to Schlüter, (cf. also Die Internationale in Amerika, Sozialistische Arbeiter Bibliothek VI, 8 Hefte. Herausgegeben von der deutschen Sprachgruppe der Sozialistischen Partei der Ver. Staaten. Chicago, 111.) delegates of the Kommunistenbund attended several sessions of the International Association. In 1844 or at the beginning of 1845 members of the Bund der Oerechten, who had come to America, had established in New York a branch of the European federation, a secret communist society under the name of Young America. In the beginning of October 1845 a non-secret organization was formed: the Sozialreform-Assoziation, with local branches in Newark, St. Louis, Cincinnatti, Baltimore, Milwaukee and other towns. (According to Sorge, F. A., Die Arbelterbewegung in den Ver. Staaten, Ncue Zeit IX, I, p. 775.)Google Scholar

page 230 note 1) Cf. Le Libertaire, New York, 29 juin 1858. Le Libertaire, journal du mouvement social, appeared in New York during the period of June 9, 1858 to February 4, 1861; 27 numbers were issued in all. It was edited by the anarchist Joseph Déjacque, who was at the same time the principal contributor. His Utopia L'Humanisphére, utopie anarchique, which he had intended to publish in bookform, for which a subscription had already been opened (New Orleans, February1858), was published in full in this organ. Déjacque was in touch with Le Bien-Etre social and Le Prolétaire in Brussels. They procured each other subscribers. D≑jacque moreover published the brochures: La Question révolutionnaire; De l'Etre humain m≑le et femelle; Béranger au Pilori. Cf. On Déjacque: M. Nettlau, Vorfrühling der Anarchic Chapt. XXIV.

page 231 note 1) Extensive report of the speeches in Le Libertaire, October 25, 1858. Le Bien- Etre social, Bruxelles, llléme année, nos. 13, 27 mars 1859, also published a report of the meeting.

page 231 note 2) Frederic Tufferd was one of the editors of Le Socialiste and later on contributor to Malon's Revue Socialiste, in which he wrote on American Socialism, and contributed to the Tribune des Peuples. He wrote among other things: Essai d'économie sociale, New-York, 1886; and: Un Programme social par Frederic Tufferd, Paris, Bouriandediteur, Librairie des Deux Mondes, 1887. 31 pp. Formerly he had been editor of the Bulletin de I'Union Ripublicaine and of Le Socialiste de New-York.

page 231 note 3) Cf. le Compte-rendu de la derniére séance de l'Association Internationale after the Echo Francais in L'Espirance, IVéme livraison, p. 235.

page 231 note 4) One of the most influential members of the Union Républicaine was Claude Pelletier, in 1848 a member of the Club de la Révolution and of the French parliament; proscrit of December. He published among other things: Atercratie. Dictionnaire Socialiste. Indiquant les voies et moyens de résoudre le probléme social. 3 vols. New York 1874–76. He established the Bulletin de I'Union Républicaine, which appeared from October 14, 1871 as a weekly under the title of Le Socialiste, Journal hebdomadaire de I'Union Republicaine de langue Française and from December 2, 1871, to October 1872 as the organ of the French branches in the U.S.A. of the Association Internationale des Travailleurs. The French branch was Branch 2, delegated to the Hague in 1872 by Sauva. This Branch 2 associated itself with the Conseil Général of Spring Street, which did not accept the resolutions of The Hague congress of 1872, and did not acknowledge the new General Council of New York. It communicated with the Jura Federation and adopted the resolutions of the international congress of September 15, 1872 at Saint- Imier, where the French, Spanish, Italian, American and Jura delegates rejected the Hague resolutions-the exclusion of Bakunin and Guillaume, and the transfer of the General Council to New York-, and resolved to continue the International on a new and anti-authoritarian basis.

page 232 note 1) Auguste Desmoulins, Cf., L'Amérique et le socialisme, in L'Espérance, Revue philosophique, politique, littéraire, publiée a c Jersey par Pierre Leroux, IVéme livraison, p. 201.Google Scholar

page 232 note 2) The letter of the Central Committee of the International Association in London to the members of the Icarian colony at Nauvoo in the U.S.A., signed by Zeno Swietoslawski, secretary, London August 28, 1858, was published in Die Neae Zeit of September 4, 1858 and in Le Prolitaire of October 5, 1858. Cf. Appendix IX.

page 233 note 1) Reprinted in Le Libertairc of February 5, 1859 under the title of Envers et contre la Bourgeoisie. Aux Républicans, Démocrates et Socialistes de l'Europe. For full text cf. Appendix X. The manifesto was also published as a pamphlet in English: Manifesto of the Central International Association, London Dec. 7th, 1858. London, Hirschfeld, R., 1858, 8 pp., of which no copy was to be found however.Google Scholar

page 234 note 1) Le Libertaire, 05 12, 1859.Google Scholar

page 234 note 2) Bernhard, Becker, op. cir., p. 12; Scherzer 1. c.Google Scholar

page 234 note 3) Letter of the secretary Bernard, Hamann, dated New York, 05 12, 1859: “An das Zentral-Komitee des Internationalen Vereins” in Das Volk, London, 06 11, 1859, No. 6.Google Scholar

page 235 note 1) The manifesto was issued as a pamphlet: Universal Printing Office, 4 pp. with the names of the members of the Central Committee who had signed it. Cf. the full text in Appendix XI. It also appeared in French: Adresse de l'Association Internationale au Parti Démocratique, Imprimerie Universelle, 4 pp. The French edition is wrongly dated 1856, instead of 1859. Both pamphlets are among the collection of the International Institute for Social History in Amsterdam.

page 235 note 2) Cf., Edgar Bauer, op. cit., p. 9, where the author writes that he was astonished that the Poles, who constituted the majority of the Central Committee, signed the manifesto.Google Scholar

page 235 note 3) Later on Herben was in America and a member of the International. In 1873 he was member of the French branch no. 42 of the International. Cf. Le Socialiste, lVéme annee, No. 21, 2 mars 1873.

page 236 note 1) Le Libertaire, No. 25, August 17, 1860; Le Bien-Etre social, July 22, 1860.