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3. Pelling, Henry, “The Working Class and the Welfare State”, in Popular Politics and Society in Victorian Britain (London, 1968) represents the beginning of the debate.Google Scholar For more current views, see Thane, Pat, “The Working Class and State ‘Welfare’in Britain”, Historical Journal 32(1984)Google Scholar and idem“The Labour Party and State ‘Welfare’”, in The First Labour Party, 1906–1914, ed. Brown, K. D., London, 1985).Google Scholar

4. There is a substantial literature on both issues. See Brown, K. D., Labour and Unemployment, 1900–1914 (Newton Abbot, 1971)Google Scholar; Harris, José, Unemployment and Politics: A Study in English Social Policy, 1886–4914 (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar; Gilbert, Bentley B., The Evolution of National Insurance in Great Britain (London, 1966)Google Scholar; Thane, Pat, “Contributory versus Non-Contributory Old Age Pensions, 1978–1908”, in The Origins of British Social Policy, ed. Thane, Pat (London, 1978).Google Scholar

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6. Davin, Anna, “Imperialism and Motherhood”, History Workshop 5 (Spring 1978):9–65.Google Scholar

7. This Section is based largely on an unpublished paper by Pat Thane on Labour and local government before World War I.

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23. In many ways, they encouraged the antiwaste mentality. MacDonald, for example. argued in 1920 that the control of expenditure might well give a Labour chancellor real difficulties and that “he may have cause to regret that his immediate predecessors have departed from the sound maxim that the Chancellor of the Exchequer is a financial watchdog of other Departments. His first business to-day would be to cut down Whitehall expenditure and to lop off many of the tentacles which it has thrust out over the country”. See MacDonald, A Policy for the Labour Party, 156.

24. Whiteside, Noel, “Social Welfare and Industrial Relations, 1914–1939”, in A History of British Industrial Relations, Vol. II: 1914–1939, ed. Wrigley, Chris (Brighton, 1987), 219.Google Scholar

25. Labour Party Annual Conference, Report, 1925, 100. The Board would be allocated £10,000,000 annually with which to build up a reserve fund for public works in a depression. The scheme resembled Lloyd George's prewar plan for a Development Commission. On this, see Harris, J., Unemployment and Politics: A Study in English Social Policy, 1886–1914 (Oxford, 1972), 340–6, 357–9.Google Scholar

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27. Labour Party Annual Conference, Report, 1925, 102. 244ff. The resolution was defeted by 2,587,000 to 512,000 votes.

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30. “Currency and banking policy pursued by the Treasury and the Bank of England ought in future to be framed in such a way that the special interests of industry are safeguarded and furthered”, the conference concluded.

31. See the Parliamentary report in Labour Party Annual Conference, Report. 1922, 6–8; and, on family allowances, see Land, Hilary, “The Introduction of Family Allowances”, in Change, Choice and Conflict in Social Policy, ed. Hall, Phoebe et al. , (London, 1975), 157–230Google Scholar; Macnicol, John, The Movement for Family Allowances, 1918–1945: A Study in Social Policy Development (London, 1980)Google Scholar: and Pedersen, Susan, “The Failure of Feminism in the Making of the British Welfare State”, Radical History Review 43 (Winter 1989):86–110.Google Scholar

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34. The Treasury's desire to keep the Economic Advisory Committee from becoming a serious rival to the Treasury in the provision of economic counsel is revealed in the discussions surrounding its establishment in CAB58/15, especially Warren Fisher's memo, “Economic General Staff”, December 3, 1929. See also the discussion in Howson, Susan and Winch, Donald, The Economic Advisory Council, 1930–1939 (Cambridge, 1977), 17–29.CrossRefGoogle ScholarThe Treasury's response to the proposals of Mosley and the EAC is discussed in Skidelsky, R., Politicians and the Slump (London. 1967), 169–82. 203–20Google Scholar; Clarke, P. F., The Keynesian Revolution in the Making (Oxford, 1988), 158Google Scholar; idem, Oswald Moslev (1975), chap.10. On setting up the Macmillan committee, see T172/1652. The evidence and report are in T171/295. The best accounts are Booth and Pack, Employment, Capital and Economic Policy, 169–77, and Clarke, Keynesian Revolution, 103–61.

35. The Treasury and the Bank of England closely coordinated their testimony throughout the deliberations of the Macmillan committee. See, for example, Harvey to Leith-Ross, March 20, 1931, in T188/275.

36. Clarke, , Keynesian Revolution, 119, 148–56; for an example of the Treasury's reasoning, see “National Deselopment and State Borrowing”. July 1930, reprinted in Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump. 409–13.Google Scholar

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39. See, for example, the speeches given to the Fabian Society and reprinted in Where Stands Socialism To-Day? (London, 1933).Google Scholar On the effect of the 1929–1931 experience, see Weir, Margaret and Skocpol, Theda, “State Structures and the Possibilities for ‘Keynesian’ Responses to the Great Depression in Sweden, Britain and the United States”, in Bringing the State Back In, ed. Evans, Peter et al. , (Cambridge, 1985), 129Google Scholar; and Gourevitch, Peter, Politics in Hard Times (Ithaca, 1987), 135–40.Google Scholar

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41. Bevin, Ernest and Clark, Colin, “Reorganisation of Government Departments and Ministerial Functions”, January 22, 1932, in Fabian Society Papers, J38/2, Nuffield College.Google Scholar

42. Attlee's Memorandum on “The Reorganization of Government” was written sometime in 1932 and is reprinted as Appendix 3 in Harris, Kenneth, Attlee (New York, 1983), 589–95.Google Scholar

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44. Newman, Michael, “Democracy versus Dictatorship: Labour's Role in the Struggle against British Fascism, 1933–1936”, History Workshop 5 (Spring 1978):67–88.Google Scholar

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47. Durbin, Elizabeth, New Jerusalems: The Labour Party and the Economics of Democratic Socialism (London, 1985), 92–115.Google Scholar

48. Nationalization was played down even as the form it would take, modeled on what Herbert Morrison had done with London Transport, was made less threatening. On the Morrison model, see Jones, Barry and Keating, Michael, Labour and the British State (Oxford, 1985), 60–61Google Scholar: and Morgan, Kenneth, “The Rise and Fall of Public Ownership in Britain”, in The Political Culture of Modern Britain, ed. Bean, J. W. M. (London, 1987), 279–80.Google Scholar

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52. Labour's specific contribution to the postwar settlement was thus considerably more important than some recent writings would suggest. See, for example, Stedman, Gareth Jones's description of the reforms of the postwar Labour government as “the last and most glorious flowering of late Victorian Liberal philanthropy”, in Languages of Class: Studies in English Working-Class History (Cambridge, 1984), 246.Google Scholar

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