Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t8hqh Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-28T17:13:46.937Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

“Things Are Different Down Here”: The 1955 Perfect Circle Strike, Conservative Civic Identity, and the Roots of the New Right in the 1950s Industrial Heartland

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2008

David M. Anderson
Affiliation:
Louisiana Tech University

Abstract

The article examines the history of the violent 1955 Perfect Circle strike to join the growing body of labor history scholarship that rejects the existence of a postwar “labor-management accord.” Contrary to previous depictions of a postwar “class peace,” the small-town industrial Midwest stood as a key battleground between unionized workers and competitive-sector employers such as the Indiana-based Perfect Circle Corporation, a small, family-owned manufacturer, a model welfare capitalist firm, and one of the nation's leading automotive parts producers. Driven by their desire to hold down labor costs and their own antistatist ideology, Perfect Circle's owners had opposed the New Deal and, by the late 1930s, had shed their previous provincialism to join the national political coalition of business conservatives in the National Association of Manufacturers to secure the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947. During the Cold War era, even while they were extending their political reach and expanding their operations overseas, Perfect Circle's owners sought to forge labor-management unity by promoting a quaint vision of “heartland consensus,” a conservative civic identity that management was convinced would render unions unnecessary. As with many business conservatives, Perfect Circle owners tried to rid their plants of unions by tapping into an interlocking network of well-financed right-wing policy groups to mount an extensive employee educational program and public relations campaign in defense of “free enterprise.” Despite Perfect Circle's vigorous efforts to undercut unionization, by 1953 the majority of workers at all four of its east-central Indiana plants voted to affiliate with the United Auto Workers (UAW). Conflict between labor and management culminated in the violent 1955 strike, in which Perfect Circle handed the UAW a decisive defeat while enjoying widespread support from the regional and national press. The strike became a conservative cause célèbre during the 1957 national “right-to-work” campaign and a centerpiece of the Senate's 1958 McClellan “Labor Rackets” hearings, which launched Barry Goldwater's bid for the 1964 presidency. The article concludes that Perfect Circle and many other employers not only continued to contest unions in the 1950s but also played a neglected but important role in the formation of the New Right.

Type
The Conservative Turn in Postwar United States Working-Class History
Copyright
Copyright © International Labor and Working-Class History, Inc. 2008

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1. For a more comprehensive analysis of the 1955 Perfect Circle strike, see David M. Anderson, “The Battle for Main Street, U.S.A.: Welfare Capitalism, Boosterism, and Labor Militancy in the Industrial Heartland, 1895–1963” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina, 2002).

2. Uphoff, Walter, Kohler on Strike: Thirty Years of Conflict (Boston, 1966)Google Scholar; “The Story of a Bitter Strike,” U.S. News and World Report, October 8, 1954, 103–6.

3. For a summary of the strike settlement, see “18-Week Strike: What Union Got,” U.S. News and World Report, December 9, 1955, 111.

4. Lichtenstein, Nelson, “Labor in the Truman Era,” in The Truman Presidency, ed. Lacey, Michael J. (New York, 1989), 128–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stebenne, David L., “The Postwar ‘New Deal,’International Labor and Working-Class History 50 (1996): 140–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Lichtenstein has admittedly revised his interpretation of the postwar accord. See, Lichtenstein, , “Finding Labor's Voice,” Dissent (Winter 1999): 123–5Google Scholar; Lichtenstein, , State of the Union: A Century of American Labor (Princeton, 2002)Google Scholar.

5. Harris, Howell John, The Right to Manage: Industrial Relations Policies of American Business in the 1940s (Madison, 1982)Google Scholar.

6. Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth, Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism, 1945–60 (Urbana, 1994)Google Scholar; Jacoby, Sanford, Modern Manors: Welfare Capitalism since the New Deal (Princeton, 1997)Google Scholar; Cowie, Jefferson, Capital Moves: RCA's 70-Year Quest for Cheap Labor (Ithaca, N.Y., 1999)Google Scholar; Clark, Daniel J., Like Night and Day: Unionization in a Southern Mill Town (Chapel Hill, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Phillips-Fein, Kim, “American Counterrevolutionary: Lemuel Ricketts Boulware and General Electric, 1950–1960,” in American Capitalism: Social Thought and Political Economy in the Twentieth Century, ed. Lichtenstein, Nelson (Philadelphia, 2007), 249–70Google Scholar; Phillips-Fein, , “‘If Business and the Country Will Be Run Right’: The Business Challenge to the Liberal Consensus, 1945–1964,” International Labor and Working-Class History 72 (2007): 192215CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Memoirs by children of unionized industrial workers of the 1950s also emphasize the absence of a postwar accord. See, Metzgar, Jack, Striking Steel: Solidarity Remembered (Philadelphia, 2000)Google Scholar; Register, Cheri, Packinghouse Daughter: A Memoir (St. Paul, 2000)Google Scholar.

7. Workman, Andrew W., “Manufacturing Power: The Organizational Revival of the National Association of Manufacturers, 1941–1945,” Business History Review 72 (1998): 279317CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8. Feurer, Rosemary, Radical Unionism in the Midwest, 1900–1950. (Urbana, 2006)Google Scholar.

9. Rosswurm, Steve, ed., The CIO's Left-Led Unions (New Brunswick, 1992)Google Scholar; Gall, Gilbert J., The Politics of Right to Work: The Labor Federations as Special Interests, 1943–1979 (New York, 1988)Google Scholar.

10. Jacoby, Modern Manors, 201–3. Management also benefited from Eisenhower's appointment of conservatives to the NLRB in the 1950s. See Gross, James A., Broken Promise: The Subversion of U.S. Labor Relations Policy, 1947–1994 (Philadelphia, 1995)Google Scholar.

11. Cowie, Capital Moves, 191.

12. Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise. In a recent study published after this article was completed, Lawrence Richards downplays the effectiveness of the postwar employer public relations offensive and instead insists that “a pervasive antiunion culture” and workers' own opposition to unions help explain the absence of a postwar accord. Richards, Lawrence, Union-Free America: Workers and Antiunion Culture (Urbana, 2008), quote on p. 5Google Scholar.

13. For one exception to this gap in conservatives' scholarship, see Evans, Thomas W., The Education of Ronald Reagan: The General Electric Years and the Untold Story of His Conversion to Conservatism (New York, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14. “Old-Style Labor War Explodes in Indiana,” Life October 17, 1955, 46–47; Raskin, A. H., “Violence and Strikes,” New York Times, October 12, 1955Google Scholar.

15. For small-shop “batch” production, see Scranton, Philip, “Varieties of Paternalism: Industrial Structures and the Social Relations of Production in American Textiles,” American Quarterly 36 (1984): 235–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

16. For workers' general opposition to the Bedaux system, see Egolf, Jeremy R., “The Limits of Shop Floor Struggle: Workers vs. the Bedaux System at Willapa Harbor Lumber Mills, 1933–35, Labor History 26 (1985): 195229CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17. New Castle (Ind.) Courier-Times, February 9, 1929; Newcastle (Ind.) Courier, September 11, 1926; Builder (published by the Newcastle, Indiana, Chamber of Commerce), October 11, 1926, Doug Magers Collection, New Castle, Indiana. By 1928, the company enjoyed total sales of nearly $3 million and a net profit of over $800,000, an eighty percent increase in profits in just two years. Poor's Industrial Section: 1929 (New York, 1929), 423–4.

18. Fifteenth Census of the United States, Volume 3, Part 1, 742–3.

19. Meyer, Marjorie Teetor, One Man's Vision: The Life of Automotive Pioneer Ralph R. Teetor (Indianapolis, 1995), 82Google Scholar.

20. Teetor, Charles, Charley Teetor's Home Town: The Story of an Indiana Family, their Village, and the Industrial Revolution (Amagansett, N.Y., 1994), 228Google Scholar; Page, Brian and Walker, Rich, “From Settlement to Fordism: The Agro-Industrial Revolution in the American Midwest,” Economic Geography 67 (October 1991): 281315CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21. Hagerstown (Ind.) Exponent, February 7, 1929; Richmond (Ind.) Item, February 8, 1929; “Preliminary and Summary of Final Report of Commissioner of Conciliation,” February 23, 1929; Robert M. Pilkington to H. L. Kerwin, Elwood, Indiana, February 23, 1929. Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service RG 280, Case Files, Dispute Case Files 1913–48, Box #190 National Archives II, Suitland, Maryland (hereafter cited as FMCS).

22. For a brief overview of Lothair Teetor's political career, see National Cyclopedia of American Biography Vol. 50 (New York, 1968), p.46. For his election to the presidency of the Indiana Chamber of Commerce, see Logansport (Ind.) Pharos-Tribune, December 16, 1939. For his role in NAM, see The Victory Circle, May 1945, Perfect Circle employee newsletter, Nettle Creek Valley Museum, Hagerstown, Indiana (the newsletter was named the Victory Circle for the duration of the Second World War and was otherwise known as The Circle); Circle, January 1946. For his 1944 election to the Indiana state legislature, see Hagerstown Exponent, May 4, 1944 and November 9, 1944. For Teetor's urging that business leaders run for political office, see Teetor, Charley Teetor's Home Town, 315.

23. Teetor, Charley Teetor's Home Town, 343.

24. Harvey, Ralph, Autobiography of a Hoosier Congressman (Greenfield, Ind., 1975), 60Google Scholar.

25. Teetor, Charley Teetor's Home Town, 354–355; National Cyclopedia of American Biography Vol. 50, p.46; New York Times, October 8, 23, and 27, 1953, January 20, 1954. For Lothair Teetor's advocacy of tax reduction, see “Urges Checking Employes' [sic] Opinion,” New York Times, January 30, 1948; Teetor, Lothair, “A Businessman's Views in Support of a General Manufacturer's Excise Tax,” Vital Speeches of the Day, December 15, 1948, 156–7Google Scholar.

26. Teetor, Charley Teetor's Home Town, 354–8; New York Times, September 19, 1954.

27. For an account of Ralph Teetor's early life written by his daughter, see Meyer, One Man's Vision, 1–84; For a short profile, see “‘I See,’” Time, January 27, 1935, 36.

28. Richmond (Ind.) Palladium-Item, July 18, 1947; Circle, January 26, 1950; The Compass, Perfect Circle Corporation 1957 pamphlet, 11, original in author's possession; Meyer, One Man's Vision, 160.

29. “Little Labor War,” Wall Street Journal, October 18, 1955, 1.

30. 70 N.L.R.B. No. 40; Brief for the National Labor Relations Board in the United States Circuit Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, Perfect Circle Company v. National Labor Relations Board, National Labor Relations Board v. Perfect Circle Company, 9289 and 9288, F. 7th, 12–13.

31. Circle, March 14, 1946.

32. Circle, November, 1946.

33. Marchand, Roland, Creating the Corporate Soul: The Rise of Public Relations and Corporate Imagery in American Big Business (Berkeley, 1998), 353Google Scholar.

34. Circle, November, 1946.

35. Cleghorn, Elizabeth, Hagerstown R. 2, Letter to the Editor, Courier-Times, November 8, 1955Google Scholar.

36. Sam Selke interview with David M. Anderson, New Castle, Indiana, February 12, 2000. Tape in author's possession.

37. For welfare capitalist firms that remained nonunion or turned back unionization after the war, see Jacoby, Modern Manors.

38. Stone, I. F., “Strike-Breaking by Martial Law,” I. F. Stone's Weekly, October 24, 1955, 3Google Scholar.

39. Luther Parsons interview with David M. Anderson, Hagerstown, Indiana, January 10, 2000. Tape and transcript in author's possession.

40. Carl Evans interview with David M. Anderson, New Castle, Indiana, June 24, 1998. Tape and transcript in author's possession.

41. Evans interview.

42. Owen Favorite interview with David M. Anderson, Hagerstown, Indiana, February 12, 2000. Tape and transcript in author's possession.

43. Circle, January, 1948.

44. For the 1947 contracts, see Files 473–957, RG 280, Case Files, Dispute Case Files 1913–48, FMCS, Box 2164 for New Castle and 473–1587, FMCS, Box 2174 for Hagerstown. For the 1948 contracts for both Hagerstown and New Castle, see File 473–2419, FMCS, Box 2188.

45. Circle, March 4, 1948; File 473–2419, FMCS, Box 2188.

46. Exponent, November 18, 1948.

47. Circle, March 4, 1948; File 473–2419, FMCS, Box 2188.

48. Lichtenstein, Nelson, The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit (New York, 1994), 286–8Google Scholar.

49. Circle, October 7, 1948.

50. Lichtenstein, The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit, 297.

51. Circle, September 15, October 7, 1948; Exponent, September 12, 1948; New Castle (Ind.) News-Republican, November 19, 1948.

52. Courier-Times, November 10, 11, 16, 1948; Palladium-Item, December 6, 11, 18, 30, 1948.

53. Circle, March 24, 1949; Exponent, November 11, 1948; Hearings before the Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor or Management Field, 85th Congress, 2nd Session, Part 26, March 31-April 1, 1958 (hereafter cited as McClellan Hearings), 10382, 10386–7.

54. Exponent, November 18, 1955.

55. Exponent, November 2, 1948.

56. Meyer, One Man's Vision, 143–4.

57. Exponent, November 2, 1948.

58. Exponent, November 11, 1948.

59. Palladium-Item, December 6, 7, 8, 9, 14, 1948; Courier-Times, December 8, 9, 1948.

60. News-Republican, November 8, 19, 1948; Courier-Times, December 8, 1948; Palladium-Item, December 7, 1948.

61. Courier-Times, December 8, 9, 1948; News-Republican, December 8, 1948.

62. Palladium-Item, December 9, 1948. For picket line incidents and arrests, see Palladium-Item, December 10, 12; Courier-Times, December 9, 10, 1948.

63. Exponent, December 16, 31, 1948; Courier-Times, December 15, 31, 1948.

64. Exponent, November 18, December 16, 23, 1948.

65. The Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service assigned James Allen to the case on August 31, 1948. File 483–3550, RG 280, Case Files, Dispute Case Files 1913–48, Box #2400, FMCS. For Allen's failed mediation efforts, see Circle, October 7, 1948; Courier-Times, November 10, 11, 16, 1948; Palladium-Item, December 10, 1948.

66. Courier-Times, December 28, 1948.

67. Circle, January 13, 1949; Courier-Times, January 1, 3, 1949; Palladium-Item, January 2, 1949; Exponent, January 6, 1949.

68. Richmond Palladium-Item, January 2, 1949.

69. Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise.

70. von Hayek, Friedrich A., The Road to Serfdom (Chicago, 1944)Google Scholar; Flynn, John T., The Road Ahead: America's Creeping Revolution (New York, 1949)Google Scholar.

71. Circle, September 1947.

72. New York Times, January 8, 1973.

73. Circle, September 1947.

74. The article was written by George S. Benson, head of the right-wing National Economic Program and a fixture on the anticommunist speakers' circuit through his syndicated newspaper column and radio programs. It originally appeared in the September 1946 issue of Reader's Digest under the title “If I Were a Communist.” For Benson's background, see New York Times, May 18, 1961; Hicks, L. Edward, “Sometimes in the Wrong, but Never in Doubt”: George S. Benson and the Education of the New Religious Right (Knoxville, 1994)Google Scholar; Forster, Arnold and Epstein, Benjamin R., Danger on the Right (New York, 1964), 8799Google Scholar.

75. Circle, January 1947.

76. Circle, April 27, 1950.

77. Circle, June 15, 1950; Courier-Times, June 29, 1950.

78. W.B. Prosser, “Let's Have the Truth,” Perfect Circle Corporation Correspondence, February 16, 1951, William Caldwell Papers, copy in author's possession.

79. McClellan Hearings, 10286; Circle, February 23, 1951; William F. Caldwell, Letter to the Editor, Courier-Times, October 4, 1955.

80. McClellan Hearings, 10285–6; Circle, April 20, 1951; Caldwell, William F., “UAW Representative Charges PC Is Attempting To Eliminate Locals,” Letter to the Editor, Courier-Times, October 4, 1955Google Scholar.

81. The UAW local union forced management at New Castle's Chrysler plant to enforce provisions in its first collective bargaining contract after a one-day strike in September 1937 that featured mass picketing followed by a successful mediation effort by the Indiana State Labor Board. Courier-Times, September 20 and 21, 1937; New Castle News-Republican September 23, 1937.

82. Scoville, John W., Labor Monopolies—Or Freedom (New York, 1946), 2831Google Scholar.

83. Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise, 258–9.

84. By the mid-1950s, warning of the dangers of “compulsory unionism” became something of a cottage industry for right-wing intellectuals. For a representative sample, see Hazlitt, Henry, “Compulsory Unionism,” Newsweek, May 30, 1955, 72Google Scholar; Richberg, Donald R., Labor Union Monopoly: A Clear and Present Danger (Chicago, 1957)Google Scholar; Petro, Sylvester, The Labor Policy of the Free Society (New York, 1957)Google Scholar.

85. For one Anderson, Indiana, UAW member's defense of mass picketing, see Testimony of Paul Carper, McClellan Hearings, 10363–7.

86. Exponent, July 28, 1955.

87. Connersville (Ind.) News Examiner, November 23, 30, 1953.

88. Chicago Tribune, July 27, 1955.

89. Exponent, July 28, 1955.

90. “A Small-Town Workers' Revolt,” U.S. News and World Report, October 21, 1955, 113. For a similar perspective, see “Little Labor War,” Wall Street Journal, October 18, 1955, 1, 14.

91. Detroit News, October 9, 1955.

92. Witney, Fred. “The Indiana Right-to-Work Law.” Industrial and Labor Relations Review 11 (1958): 506517CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

93. “Perfect Circle Probe Certain—Goldwater,” Tucson Daily Citizen, January 20, 1958. For background on the McClellan Committee, see Baltakis, Anthony, “On the Defensive: Walter Reuther's Testimony before the McClellan Labor Rackets Committee,” Michigan Historical Review 25 (1999): 4768CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

94. “Republicans Size up Reuther's Union—and Democrats Reply,” U.S. News and World Report, February 29, 1960, 95–98.

95. Lee, R. Alton, Eisenhower and Landrum-Griffin: A Study in Labor-Management Politics (Lexington, 1990)Google Scholar.

96. See, for example, Register, Packinghouse Daughter; Moore, Michael A., “A Community's Crisis: Hillsdale and the Essex Wire Strike,” Indiana Magazine of History 66 (1970): 238–62Google Scholar.

97. Metzgar, Striking Steel; Phillips-Fein, “American Counterrevolutionary.”

98. Meyer, One Man's Vision, 198–200; Palladium-Item, May 2, 1967, July 2, 1968; Gall, Politics of Right to Work, 14.

99. Micklethwait, John and Wooldridge, Adrian, The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America (New York, 2004), 253–4Google Scholar

100. Nash, George H., The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America Since 1945 (New York, 1976)Google Scholar; Andrew, John A., The Other Side of the Sixties: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise of Conservative Politics (New Brunswick, 1997)Google Scholar; McGirr, Lisa, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton, 2001)Google Scholar.

101. Arndorfer, Jim, “Milwaukee Bucks,” The Baffler 1.17 (2006): 3139CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

102. For Manion's support of Goldwater, see Perlstein, Rick, Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (New York, 2001), chapters 1–3Google Scholar. For Pulliam's support of Goldwater, see Goldberg, Robert Alan, Barry Goldwater (New Haven, 1995), 7879, 93–94, 130–131Google Scholar.

103. McGirr, Suburban Warriors, 54–63.