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Tolerant Dimensions Of Cultural Pluralism in the Ottoman Empire: The Albanian Community, 1800–1912
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 January 2009
Extract
Scholars who have conducted research on the different peoples of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have, as a general rule, focused their studies on the process by which the various national minorities gained their independence from “Turkish” rule. To study this complex problem, historians of the Balkans and of Middle Eastern countries other than Turkey have selected a methodological framework which seeks to analyze the nature of the struggles that led to the eventual emergence of nation-states such as Albania, Greece, Bulgaria, and Syria.
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NOTES
1 Broughton, J. C. Hobhouse, A Journey Through Albania (Philadelphia: 1817; New York: 1971), p. 28.Google Scholar
2 Ibid., p. 131.
3 Ibid., p. 35.
4 Ibid., p. 128.
5 Ibid., pp. 112–113.
6 Ibid., pp. 98–99.
7 Ibid., p. 112.
8 Pasa, Ahmed Cevdet. Tarih-i Cevdet, Vol. I (Istanbul: 1854). p. 15.Google Scholar
9 Akun, Ömer Faruk, “Semsettin Sami,” Islam Ansiklopedisi, 11 (Istanbul: 1970), p. 411.Google Scholar
10 The Memoirs of Ismail Kemal Bey. edited by Somerville Story (New York: 1920). p. 17.Google Scholar
11 Basbakanlik Arsivi. Sicill-i Umumi, Vol. 45, p. 346. Of the other 55 officials listed in this source, two could read and write in Greek one of them had attended Zossimea.Google Scholar
12 For general biographies on Sami Bey. see Akun, pp. 411–422;Google ScholarLevend, Agah Sirri, Semsettin Sami (Ankara: 1969);Google Scholar andFrasheri, Kristo. “Semseddin Sami Frasheri—ideologue du mouvement national albanais,” Studio Albanica, 3 (1966), 95–110.Google Scholar
13 Kalesi, Hasan. “Semsettin Sami Fraseri'nin Siyasi Görüsleri.” VII. Türk Tarih Kongresi (Ankara: 1973). p. 647.Google Scholar
14 S(emseddin) Sami, Besa Yahud Ahde vefa (Istanbul: 1292 Hicri/ 1875). p. 5.Google Scholar
15 Ibid., pp. 5–6.
16 Ibid., pp. 17–180. There is an English translation of this play by Drizari, Nelo called Pledge of Honor: An Albanian Tragedy (New York: 1945). This translation has numerous and serious mistakes. Drizari used the Albanian translation by Abdul Ypi. and he leaves the reader with the false impression that Besa is highly Albanian in spirit when it actually has both an Albanian and an Ottoman tone. Henceforth, references to the play will be to the Ottoman original.Google Scholar
17 Ibid., pp. 11–12.
18 Ibid., p. 39.
19 Ibid., pp. 97–98.
20 Ibid., pp. 120. 122.
21 Ibid., pp. 128–129.
22 Ibid., p. 105.
23 Ibid., p. 106. In his translation of these two important parts of the play. Drizari made no mention the Padisah's law nor of the Tanzimat. Instead. Z¨beyir said in the first instance “Now there is no distinction between us” and in the second “Today everybody is independent. There is no distinction whatsoever between us.” This translation left Z¨beyir's argument based on a universal value rather than on recently promulgated Ottoman laws. (See pp. 67–68 of the reference cited in footnote 16.)
24 Ibid., p.71.
25 Ibid., p. 79.
26 An early scene in the play is one in which Meruse and Recep sing a song glorifying the beauty and freedom (hürr) of mountain life in sharp contrast to that in the town. Ibid., pp. 21–24.
27 And, Metin, A History of Theatre and Popular Entertainment in Turkey (Ankara: 1963–1964), p. 69.Google Scholar
28 And, Metin, Tanzimat ve Istibdat Döneminde Türk Tiyatrosu 1839–1908 (Ankara: 1972), p. 455.Google Scholar In his brief description of Besa, the author failed to mention that the play was about Albanian customs, values, and traditions. (See pp. 372–374.)Google Scholar
29 Ibid., p. 455.
30 And, Metin. Mesrutiyet Döneminde Türk Tiyatrosu 1908–1923 (Ankara: 1971), p. 293.Google Scholar
31 Levend, p. 67. This general assessment is based on the author's own recollections. For Abdülhak Hamid's views, see Tanpinar, Ahmed Hamdi. Ondokuzuncu Asir Türk Edebiyati Tarihi, 2nd ed., (Istanbul: 1956), p. 564.Google Scholar
32 Arnavut, 31 Kanunievvel 1325.Google Scholar
33 Ibid.
34 Hima, Dervis, ed., Musavver Arnavut (Istanbul: 1327 Hicri/1911). It must be pointed out that Dervis Hima was quite adamant and uncompromising in his Albanian nationalism. By 1911, many Albanians feared that Albania might be occupied by neighboring Balkan states. Consequently. Dervis Hima devoted his time and energy toward encouraging only Albanian national consciousness, unlike Sami Bey who also had studied Turkish language and culture. Independence for the Albanians was actually one year away.Google Scholar
35 Avlonyali Süreyya Bey. “Tarih-i Osmani'de Arnavutluk,” in ibid., pp. 9–46.
36 Kemal, Namik, Vatan Veyahud Silistre (Istanbul: 1308 Hicri/1880), passim.Google Scholar
37 Okay, Orhan, Bati Medeniyeti Karsisinda Ahmet Midhat Efendi (Ankara: 1975), p. 199. I was unable to obtain a copy of this novel, and thus am dependent on Okay's brief comments on, and quotes from, this novel.Google Scholar
38 Ibid., pp. 262–263.
39 Ismail Kemal, p. 38.Google Scholar
40 And, Tanzimat ve Istibdat, p. 189.Google Scholar
41 Duru, Kazim Nami, Arnavutluk ve Makedonya Hatiralarim (Istanbul: 1959), pp. 6. 11–12Google Scholar and Ittihat ve Terakki Hagiralarim (Istanbul: 1957), pp. 6–8. 12–13.Google Scholar For Reik Bey Toptani's Albanian national sentiments see Konitza, Faik Bey, “Memoire sur le mouvement national albanais,” (Bruxelles: 01 1899). Haus-Hof-und Staatsarchiv, Politische Archiv. xiv/18, Albanien xii/2, p. 81.Google Scholar
42 Duru, Arnavutluk, pp. 19–20, 37–38 and lttihat ve Terakki, p. 43.Google Scholar
43 Akun, pp. 414–416 and Levend, pp. 203–205.Google Scholar
44 Frasheri, Semsettin Sami Bey, Kamus al-Alam, Vol. I (Istanbul: 1889). pp. 14–16.Google Scholar
45 Ibid., p. 148. Sultan Abdulhamid eventually prohibited publications in the Albanian language.
46 Lewis, Bernard, “Ahmad Midhat.” Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed., Vol. I (London: 1960), pp. 289–90Google Scholar and Siyavusgil, Sabri Esat. “Ahmed Midhat,” Islam Ansiklopedisi, I (Istanbul: 1950). pp. 186–187.Google Scholar
47 Semsettin Sami. Besa, p. 13.Google Scholar
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