¹ Al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya was published and edited by Munif al-Husayni (d. 1983), who also served as a spokesman for the Supreme Muslim Council. For al-Jishti, see “Hawadith wa-Akhbar,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 28 July 1935, 3. For Rida, see “Hadith al-Yawm,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 25 August 1935, 1.

² Most notably, see Uri F. Kupferschmidt, The Supreme Muslim Council: Islam under the British Mandate for Palestine (Leiden: Brill, 1987), 242–53, esp. 243–45; Kramer, Gudrun, A History of Palestine: From Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel, trans. Harman, Braham and Kramer, Gudrun (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), 249–52Google Scholar; and Cohen, Hillel, Army of Shadows: Palestinian Collaboration with Zionism, 1917–1948, trans. Watzman, Haim (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2008), 46–49 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Khalidi, Rashid, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 111–17Google Scholar, quote at 114. See also Cohen, Army of Shadows, 45–47.

⁴ For the hadith that undergirds the premise of al-maʿlūm min al-dīn bi-l-ḍarūra, see Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalani, Fath al-Bari bi-Sharh Sahih al-Bukhari, ed. Shuʿayb al-Arnaʾut and ʿAdil Murshid (Beirut: al-Risala al-ʿAlamiyya, 2021), 23:12–15. This hadith refers specifically to a ruler engaging in flagrant disbelief and is generally interpreted to bar rebellion except in those cases where the ruler is guilty of this infraction. For an example of takfīr as a form of political and religious control from Mamluk Egypt, see Levanoni, Amalia, “ Takfīr in Egypt and Syria during the Mamlūk Period,” in Accusations of Unbelief in Islam: A Diachronic Perspective on Takfīr, ed. Ansari, Hassan, Adang, Camilla, Schmidtke, Sabine, and Fierro, Maribel (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 155–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Hassan Ansari, Camilla Adang, Sabine Schmidtke, and Maribel Fierro, “Introduction,” in Accusations of Unbelief in Islam, 1–28.

⁶ On Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, see Bunzel, Cole M., Wahhābism: The History of a Militant Islamic Movement (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2023), 161–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Adnan Zulfiqar, “Collective Duties (Farḍ Kifāya) in Islamic Law: The Moral Community, State Authority and Ethical Speculation in the Premodern Period” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2018), 134–40, 168–72.

⁸ A waqf is an inalienable trust that persists in perpetuity. See Peter C. Hennigan, The Birth of a Legal Institution: The Formation of the Waqf in Third-Century A.H. Ḥanafī Legal Discourse (Leiden: Brill, 2004), xiii. It appears that Jewish and Christian ownership of land was an assumed reality for Muslim jurists. In an advanced legal work within the Hanbali school, Ibn Qudama (d. 1223), a native of the Palestinian town of Jammaʿin, sets out a legal debate over the tax responsibilities of Muslims and non-Muslims, respectively, vis-à-vis land that they own that assumes the existence of non-Muslim land ownership. See Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni (Cairo: Matbaʿat al-Manar, ca. 1935), 2:590–91. In the sixth volume of this text (p. 136), Ibn Qudama forbids renting or selling a building (dār) to someone who plans to make it into a church or to use it to sell alcohol or host gambling. Such a position implicitly permits the sale of land to non-Muslims for purposes that do not run contrary to Islamic law. I wish to thank Ibrahim Gemeah for both citations. It is in light of this social reality that one could understand Ibn al-Qayyim’s argument that the sale of land by Muslims to Jews and Christians constitutes a potential threat to Muslim dominance of social space. See Bosanquet, Antonia, Minding Their Place: Space and Religious Hierarchy in Ibn al-Qayyim’s Aḥkām ahl al-dhimma (Leiden: Brill, 2020), 218–28Google Scholar, esp. 223.

⁹ For example, see Zollner, Barbara, The Muslim Brotherhood: Hasan al-Hudaybi and Ideology (London: Routledge, 2009), 54–63 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Calvert, John, Sayyid Qutb and the Origins of Radical Islamism (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2009), 197–227 Google Scholar; and Toth, James, The Life and Legacy of a Radical Islamic Intellectual (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 72–94 Google Scholar. Ghyoot, Mathias, Brothers behind Bars: A History of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, 1948–1975 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar, chapter 8, offers a significant corrective to the Egyptian story by locating the emergence of takfīr in the experience of rank-and-file Brotherhood members in Egyptian prisons, yet this narrative reproduces Egypt’s centrality to the revival of takfīr.

¹⁰ Indeed, it was the question of Palestine that led the Muslim Brotherhood’s Guidance Bureau to issue a ruling in September 1936 that all those who allied themselves with the British in Palestine had apostatized. See ʿAbd al-Rahman al-Saʿati, “Yuharibun Allah,” Jaridat al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin, 29 September 1936, 1–4. I wish to thank Mathias Ghyoot for sharing this citation with me.

¹¹ It is striking that absentee landowners, most of whom resided beyond Palestine but some of whom lived within it (but in other cities), are not a focus of these rulings. On sales by absentee landowners, see Stein, Kenneth, The Land Question in Palestine, 1917–1939 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 26–27 Google Scholar.

¹² On Qutb’s intellectual vision, premised on a binary of Islam and Kufr and a transhistorical understanding of pre-Islamic barbarism (jāhiliyya), see Khatab, Sayed, The Political Thought of Sayyid Qutb: The Theory of Jahiliyyah (London: Routledge, 2006), 147–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Khatab, however, does acknowledge the influence of the Indian scholar Abu al-Hasan al-Nadawi (d. 1999) on Qutb’s conception of jāhiliyya.

¹³ On the ties that bound Jews, Muslims, and Christians in early 20th-century Palestine, see Campos, Michelle, Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Ottoman Palestine (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Jacobson, Abigail, From Empire to Empire: Jerusalem between Ottoman and British Rule (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011)Google Scholar; Gribetz, Jonathan, Defining Neighbors: Religion, Race, and the Early Zionist-Arab Encounter (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Jacobson, Abigail and Naor, Moshe, Oriental Neighbors: Middle Eastern Jews and Arabs in Mandatory Palestine (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the ascent of Palestinian nationalism, see Muslih, Muhammad Y., The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Khalidi, Palestinian Identity; Cohen, Hillel, Year Zero of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015)Google Scholar; and Cohen, Army of Shadows.

¹⁴ Schneider, Suzanne, Mandatory Separation: Religion, Education, and Mass Politics in Palestine (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018), 19 Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Most notably, see Schayegh, Cyrus, The Middle East and the Making of the Modern World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017), 9–13 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Religious traditionalists seek to uphold the authority of scholars over society, while religious reformists tend to be oriented towards the broader reform of religious thought and practice. Although the two approaches can overlap, traditionalists tend to prize the madhhab tradition, while reformists bypass it. Al-Jamiʿa al-Islamiyya was founded and published by Suliman al-Taji al-Faruqi (d. 1958), a scholar and lawyer who had studied with the noted Islamic reformer (and mentor of Rashid Rida) Muhammad ʿAbduh (d. 1905) at al-Azhar. Al-Sirat al-Mustaqim was owned and published by ʿAbd Allah al-Qalqili (d. 1969), who had graduated from both al-Azhar and Cairo University. The paper covered both local and international events of interest to Muslim readers and clearly signaled its opposition to both the British Mandate and Zionism. See “al-Sirat,” al-Maktaba al-Wataniyya al-Israʾiliyya, available at https://www.nli.org.il/ar/newspapers/asirat?.

¹⁷ For example, see “Ihtijaj al-Muslimin fi Masjid al-Aqsa ʿala Hadith al-Buraq,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 4 October 1928, 4; and “Mawqif al-Majlis al-Islami al-Aʿla bi-Shaʾn Hadith al-Buraq wa-Kitabat Fakhama al-Mandub al-Sami,” ibid., 8 October 1928, 1.

¹⁸ Cohen, Year Zero of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, xi.

¹⁹ Roberts, Nicholas, Islam under the Palestine Mandate: Colonialism and the Supreme Muslim Council (London: I.B. Tauris, 2017), 106 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ Ibid., 42–65.

²¹ Kenneth Stein states that of the eighty-nine members of this Committee between 1920 and June 1928, “at least one quarter can be identified…as having directly participated in land sales to Jews.” For those members appointed in June 1928, fourteen of forty-eight were similarly involved. Stein, Kenneth, The Land Question in Palestine, 1917–1939 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 67 Google Scholar.

²² See ibid., 174 and 67, respectively.

²³ According to Awad Halabi, the Supreme Muslim Council faced financial difficulties, likely limiting its capacity to finance land purchases. See Halabi, Awad, Palestinian Rituals of Identity: The Prophet Moses Festival in Jerusalem, 1850–1948 (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2022), 111–12Google Scholar. On this point, see also “Hawl Aradi Barqa,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 29 October 1931, 2. On land sales by Palestinian elites, see Stein, The Land Question in Palestine, 69–71. Indeed, an October 1930 article in al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya noted the rumor that the owner of al-Sirat al-Mustaqim, ʿAbd Allah al-Qalqili, had sold land to the Jews and implied that, given this, the paper that he owned could hardly defend the rights of Muslims. See “al-Minbar al-ʿAmm,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 1 October 1930, 1–2.

²⁴ On the “politics of notables,” see Albert Hourani, “Ottoman Reform and the Politics of Notables,” in Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The 19th Century, ed. William Polk and Richard Chambers (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 41–68. On the decline of the politics of notables in post–WWI Syria, see Gelvin, James, Divided Loyalties: Nationalism and Mass Politics in Syria at the Close of Empire (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998), 228–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the rise of Palestinian political parties, see Matthews, Weldon C., Confronting an Empire, Constructing a Nation: Arab Nationalists and Popular Politics in Mandate Palestine (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006), 2 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Halabi, Palestinian Rituals of Identity, 73, 103.

²⁵ Sanagan, Mark, Lightning through the Clouds: ʿIzz al-Din al-Qassam and the Making of the Modern Middle East (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2020), 85–87 Google Scholar.

²⁶ On the Palestine Arab Party and the Mufti’s ideological appeal, see Halabi, Palestinian Rituals of Identity, 76, 119.

²⁷ On the assumption that secular Turks would be Sunni Muslims, see Baer, Marc David, The Dönme: Jewish Converts, Muslim Revolutionaries, and Secular Turks (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009 ), 238–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), 102–13.

²⁸ Porath, Yehoshua, The Emergence of the Palestinian-Arab Nationalist Movement, 1918–1929 (London: Routledge, 2020), 260–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In his study of the Mufti, Phillip Mattar cites Porath as representing the “predominant [and according to Mattar incorrect] view in the historiography of Palestine…that the Mufti transformed a minor religious and legal dispute [in 1928 over the Western Wall] into a political struggle.” See Matar, Phillip, The Mufti of Jerusalem: al-Hajj Amin al-Husayni and the Palestinian National Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 36 Google Scholar. What Porath and Mattar share, however, is an acknowledgment that, after 1929, the Mufti framed the Palestinian national project in distinctly Islamic terms and repeatedly sought pan-Islamic support for it.

²⁹ “Al-Muʾtamar al-Islami al-ʿAmm wa-Ghayatahu,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 21 October 1931, 3.

³⁰ “Al-Hafawa bi-l-ʿAlama Kashif al-Ghitaʾ fi Jinin,” ibid., 24 December 1931, 3.

³¹ “Bayan min Jamʿiyyat al-Shubban al-Muslimin bi-Nablus,” ibid., 31 October 1930, 3.

³² For an example of the subordination of religious identity to a broader Arab nationalist cause, see Michel Aflaq, Dikhra al-Rasul al-ʿArabi (Beirut: al-Muʾassasa al-ʿArabiyya li-l-Dirasat wa-l-Nashr, 1972), 8–12.

³³ On Mawlid al-Nabi Rubin, see “al-Ihtifal fi al-Ludd,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 24 September 1928, 3. On Mawlid al-Nabi Musa, see “al-Mihrajan al-ʿAzim fi Usbuʿ Mawsim al-Nabi Musa,” ibid., 15 April 1930, 1. On Mawlid al-Nabi Salih, see “al-Ihtifal al-Kabir bi-Mawsim al-Nabi Salih fi al-Ramla,” ibid., 19 April 1931, 3.

³⁴ “Iʿayaduna al-Qawmiyya wa-Wujub Ihyaʾiha wa-Tanzimiha,” ibid., 4 April 1934, 6.

³⁵ On the British functionalization of Islam in Egypt, see Starrett, Gregory, Putting Islam to Work: Education, Politics, and Religious Transformation in Egypt (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998), 30–61 Google Scholar. On Palestine, see Schneider, Mandatory Separation, 34–36, 129–59.

³⁶ Ibn Qudama, al-Mughni, 2:590–91, 6:136.

³⁷ Uri Rabin, Between Jerusalem and Mecca: Sanctity and Redemption in the Qurʾān and the Islamic Tradition (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2023), 1–5, 9, 221. Rabin suggests that Qurʾan 5:21, which refers to the “holy land” (al-arḍ al-muqadassa), represents an implicit reference to Palestine, though he adds that the Qurʾan also provides a basis for considering all of the Levant (al-Sham) sacred.

³⁸ Qurʾan 5:21 was understood by the exegete and theologian Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari (d. 923) as possibly referring to the Levant (al-Sham), more narrowly to “Damascus, Palestine, and part of Jordan,” and even to Mount Tur (Jabal al-Tur, associated with Mount Sinai) and Jericho, respectively. See Ibn Jarir al-Tabari, Tafsir al-Tabari: Jamiʿ al-Bayan ʿan Taʾwil al-Qurʾan, ed. ʿAbd Allah b. ʿAbd al-Muhsin al-Turki (Cairo: Dar Hajr, 2001), 8:284–86.

³⁹ “Fatwayan Shariʿatan,” al-Yarmuk, 31 May 1925, 2.

⁴⁰ Hillel Cohen (Army of Shadows, 47) suggests that Haifa’s geographic location and a “temporary lull in land sales brought on by the economic downturn of the late 1920s” may have lessened the significance of this fatwa.

⁴¹ Mary Dewhurst Lewis, Divided Rule: Sovereignty and Empire in French Tunisia, 1881–1938 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2014), 131. For Rashid Rida’s response to this question, see Rashid Rida, “Fatawa al-Manar,” al-Manar, 30 Jumada al-Ukhra 1342/5 January 1924, 25:21–32.

⁴² Lewis, Divided Rule, 143.

⁴³ “Tajnis al-Tunisiyyin bi-l-Jinsiyya al-Faransiyya,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 25 April 1933, 2.

⁴⁴ “L’opinion des vrais Ulémas sur la naturalisation,” L’Action Tunisienne, 4 May 1933, 1. The fatwa as produced in the anthology of Muhammad al-Tahir b. ʿAshur’s fatwas states that Muhammad b. Yusuf’s response was that the individual should enjoy “all rights and responsibilities” as a Muslim in both life and death (including the funeral janāza prayers and burial in a Muslim cemetery). It then reproduces Ibn ʿAshur’s position based on a report by the Resident General François Manceron in his report which, like the contemporaneous reporting in al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, conditions repentance on renouncing the new nationality. See Fatawa al-Shaykh al-Imam Muhammad al-Tahir b. ʿAshur, ed. Muhammad b. Ibrahim Buzghiba (Dubai: Markaz Jumʿat al-Masajid li-l-Thaqafa wa-l-Turath, 2004), 427.

⁴⁵ “Tajnis al-Tunisiyyin bi-l-Jinsiyya al-Faransiyya.”

⁴⁶ “Masʾalat al-Tajnis al-Faransi,” al-Manar, April–May 1933, 33:224–30, at 224–5.

⁴⁷ “Fatawa al-Manar,” ibid., Rabiʿ al-Awwal 1352/June 1932, 33–36, at 36.

⁴⁸ Awad Halabi, “Liminal Loyalties: Ottomanism and Palestinian Responses to the Turkish War of Independence, 1919–22,” Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 3 (2012): 19–37. As Halabi argues, this period “may…be seen as politically liminal: British rule may have supplanted Ottoman authority, yet Palestinians remained connected to the Ottomans through powerful cultural and religious ties.” Ibid., 22. Indeed, as Michael Provence argues, “the durable tendency to view the history of the region through the lens of national histories…obscures commonalities that were clear to all at least until the 1940s.” Michael Provence, The Last Ottoman Generation and the Making of the Modern Middle East (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 6.

⁴⁹ “Inna Allah La Yughayir Ma bi-Qawm Hatta Yughayiru Ma bi-Anfusihim,” al-Sirat al-Mustaqim, 10 December 1934, 1.

⁵⁰ Stein, The Land Question in Palestine, 181–82. While a monthly breakdown of land sales is not available for 1933, the final six months of 1934 averaged 2,000 dunams per month.

⁵¹ Bunton, Martin, Colonial Land Policies in Palestine, 1917–1936 (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2007), 80 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stein, The Land Queston in Palestine, 39–40.

⁵² For example, see “al-Waqf al-Islami,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 28 March 1932, 3. For efforts to categorize the Hijaz railway as a waqf, see Murat Özyüksel, The Hejaz Railway and the Ottoman Empire: Modernity, Industrialisation and Ottoman Decline (London: I.B. Tauris, 2014), 219–20. On the comparison of the Hijaz railway to al-Aqsa Mosque, see “al-Mawqif al-Ilami al-Maghdub,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 29 July 1929, 1.

⁵³ Mandel, Neville J., “Ottoman Practice as regards Jewish Settlement in Palestine: 1881–1908,” Middle Eastern Studies 11, no. 1 (1975): 36–37 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Campos, Ottoman Brothers, 218–23.

⁵⁴ Neville J. Mandel, “Ottoman Policy and Restrictions on Jewish Settlement in Palestine: 1881–1908: Part I,” Middle Eastern Studies 10, no. 3 (1974): 324.

⁵⁵ On al-ʿAbidin’s background, see “al-Shaykh Muhammad Sabri ʿAbidin,” al-Quds Islamic Movement, available at https://alqudsislamicmovement.com/en/public-figures/أعلام-الحركة-الإسلامية-في-فلسطين/alshykh-mhmd-sbry-aabdyn.

⁵⁶ Lauzière, Henri, The Making of Salafism: Islamic Reform in the Twentieth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015), 50–54 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 74–75.

⁵⁷ “Fatwa Sharifa bi-Tahrim Baʿi al-Aradi li-l-ʿAdu wa-Muqataʿat al-Samasira,” al-Jamiʿa al-Islamiyya, 23 January 1935, 4; “Hawadith wa-Akhbar,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 24 January 1935, 3.

⁵⁸ “Fatwa Sharifa bi-Tahrim Baʿi al-Aradi li-l-ʿAdu,” 4.

⁵⁹ Ibid.

⁶⁰ On the legal concept of mafsada, see Felicitas Opwis, Maṣlaḥa and the Purpose of the Law: Islamic Discourse on Legal Change from the 4th/10th to 8th/14th Century (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 142–73. For Kashif al-Ghitaʾ’s exhortation, see “Fatwa Sharifa bi-Tahrim Baʿi al-Aradi li-l-ʿAdu,” 4.

⁶¹ “Fatwa Jadida min ʿAlim Jalil,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 1 February 1935, 3.

⁶² Cohen, Army of Shadows, 62–63.

⁶³ Sanagan, Lightning through the Clouds, 92, 106.

⁶⁴ On the distribution of the pamphlet and the Mufti’s declaration, see Hajj Amin al-Husayni, Fatwa Samahat al-Mufti al-Akbar al-Sayyid Amin al-Husayni bi-Shaʾan Baʿi al-Aradi bi-Falastin li-l-Sihyuniyyin (Jerusalem: Matbaʿat Dar al-Aytam al-Islamiyya, n.d.), cover. I have found articles from two separate newspapers, dated 27 and 28 January 1935, respectively, which reference the issuing of the fatwa and later debates that assume its existence.

⁶⁵ See Vogel, Frank, Saudi Business Law in Practice Laws and Regulations as Applied in the Courts and Judicial Committees of Saudi Arabia (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2019), 249 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the increasingly prominent usage of khiyāna as treason in Mandate Palestine, see Cohen, Army of Shadows, 45–49.

⁶⁶ Al-Aqsa Mosque is considered the third holiest mosque in Islam behind the Masjid al-Haram in Mecca and the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina. The early Muslim community prayed initially towards Jerusalem, before shifting to prayer in the direction of Mecca. See Rubin, Between Jerusalem and Mecca, 190–96. This phrasing had also been used six years prior in the context of the 1929 Buraq clashes. See “Bayan ʿAmm ʿan Lajnat al-Difaʿ ʿan al-Buraq al-Sharif,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 1 November 1928, 6.

⁶⁷ al-Husayni, Fatwa Samahat al-Mufti al-Akbar al-Sayyid Amin al-Husayni, 2–3.

⁶⁸ The fatwa was both printed in pamphlet form and detailed in al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya. For the pamphlet, see Hukm Allah Taʿala fi al-Baʿa wa-l-Samasira: Majmuʿat al-Fatawa al-Khatira allati Asdaruha ʿUlamaʾ al-Muslimin fi Falastin wa-fi Ghayriha min al-Aqtar al-Islamiyya (Jerusalem: Matbaʿat Dar al-Aytam al-Islamiyya, n.d.). For the periodical citation, see “Fatwa Sharifa,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 28 January 1935, 4.

⁶⁹ Khalidi, Palestinian Identity, 49. See also Greenberg, Ela, “‘Majallat Rawdat al-Maʿarif’: Constructing Identities within a Boys’ School in Mandatory Palestine,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 35, no. 3 (2008): 80–81 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁰ “Khitab Khatir li-Samahat al-Mufti al-Akbar,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 27 January 1935, 1.

⁷¹ On the Muslim Brotherhood’s moral critique of 1930s Egyptian society, see Rock-Singer, Aaron, Practicing Islam in Egypt: Print Media and Islamic Revival (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 134–37Google Scholar. On Ansar al-Sunna’s critique, see Rock-Singer, Aaron, In the Shade of the Sunna: Salafi Piety in the Twentieth-Century Middle East (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2022), 140–42Google Scholar.

⁷² “Khitab Khatir li-Samahat al-Mufti al-Akbar,” 1.

⁷³ Ijtimaʿ ʿAzim li-l-ʿUlamaʾ al-Muslimin fi Falastin,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 27 January 1935, 3.

⁷⁴ Ibid. Al-ʿAbidin had previously been referred to as “Sabri Effendi.” See “Madrasat al-Islah,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 14 February 1929, 3.

⁷⁵ “Muqarrarat Hama li-Muʾtamar ʿUlamaʾ al-Din al-Awwal fi Falastin,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 28 January 1935, 4. For the historical precedents to this statement, see Bunzel, Wahhābism, 166–70.

⁷⁶ “Ijtimaʿ ʿUlamaʾ al-Din,” al-Sirat al-Mustaqim, 28 January 1935, 2.

⁷⁷ Kramer, A History of Palestine, 221–22.

⁷⁸ “Al-Fatawa Ghayr Kafiya,” al-Sirat al-Mustaqim, 31 January 1935, 1.

⁷⁹ “Bayan Warada ʿala al-Jamiʿa al-Islamiyya,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 3 February 1935, 2.

⁸⁰ While the Qurʾanic understanding of munāfiqūn can equate them with infidels (kuffār), Sunni and Shiʿi scholars tended to distinguish the two. For example, the Sunni Persian scholar al-Zamakhshari declared “fight the kuffār [with the sword] and the munāfiqūn [with argument].” See A. Brockett, “al-Munāfiḳūn,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam New Edition Online, ed. P. Bearman (EI-2 English), available at https://doi.org/10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_0795.

⁸¹ “Fatwatan Khatiratan,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 11 February 1935, 3.

⁸² Stein, The Land Question in Palestine, 181.

⁸³ On the role of the Supreme Muslim Council in regulating Islamic preaching in Mandate Palestine, see Kupferschmidt, The Supreme Muslim Council, 149. On efforts to counteract missionary schools through preaching, see Nidaʾ ila al-Muslimin bi-l-Tahdhir min al-Madaris al-Tabshiriyya (Jerusalem: Dar al-Aytam al-Islamiyya, n.d.). For the statement regarding land purchases, see “Bayan min Daʾirat al-Maʿahid al-Diniyya bi-Falastin,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 26 March 1935, 5.

⁸⁴ “Juhud Muʾtamar ʿUlamaʾ Falastin,” al-Jamiʿa al-ʿArabiyya, 24 April 1935, 2. For a similar complaint, see “Qiyam al-ʿUlamaʾ bi-Wajibihim,” ibid.

⁸⁵ “Juhud Samahat al-Mufti al-Akbar,” ibid., 30 April 1935. On the varied reasons that Palestinians sold land, see also Cohen, Army of Shadows, 67–92.