Author's note: I thank Alan Mikhail and Amy Singer for their advice and encouragement as this article came together and the reviewers and editors for their insightful comments and corrections.

¹ Biraben, Jean-Noel, Les hommes et la peste en France et dans les pays européens et méditerranéens (Paris: Mouton, 1975)Google Scholar.

² Lawrence Conrad, “The Plague in the Early Medieval Near East” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 1981); idem, “Ta'un and Waba Conceptions of Plague and Pestilence in Early Islam,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 25 (1982): 268–307; idem, “Epidemic Disease in Formal and Popular Thought in Early Islamic Society,” in Epidemics and Ideas: Essays on the Historical Perception of Pestilence, ed. Terence Ranger and Paul Slack (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

³ Dols, Michael, The Black Death in the Middle East (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1977)Google Scholar; “Geographical Origins of the Black Death,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 52 (1978): 112–20; and idem, “The Second Plague Pandemic and Its Recurrences in the Middle East,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 22 (1979): 162–89.

⁴ Panzac, Daniel, La peste dans l'Empire ottoman (Leuven, Belgium: Peeters, 1985)Google Scholar and various articles later collected in Population et santé dans l'Empire ottoman (Istanbul: Isis, 1996).

⁵ Lowry, Heath, “Pushing the Stone Uphill: The Impact of Bubonic Plague on Ottoman Urban Society in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries,” Osmanlı Araştırmaları 23 (2003): 93–132Google Scholar.

⁶ See, for example, Watts, Sheldon, Epidemics and History: Disease, Power, and Imperialism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997), 25–39Google Scholar, where the author argues that Muslims lacked the “ideology of order” that was the prerequisite for quarantine. On the 19th-century quarantine and popular resistance in Ottoman lands, see also Low, Michael, “Empire and the Hajj: Pilgrims, Plagues, and Pan-Islam under British Surveillance, 1865–1908,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 40 (2008): 269–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sarıyıldız, Gülden, “Karantina Meclisi'nin Kuruluşu ve Faaliyetleri,” Belleten 28 (1994): 329–76Google Scholar; and Nuran Yıldırım, “Osmanlı Coğrafyasında Karantina Uygulamalarına İsyanlar: ‘Karantina İstemezük!’” Toplumsal Tarih (2006): 18–27. On the imposition of quarantine and public health in 19th-century Egypt, see Kuhnke, Laverne, Lives at Risk: Public Health in Nineteenth-Century Egypt (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

⁷ For various estimates of relative population in the period, see, for example, Karpat, Kemal, Ottoman Population 1830–1914 (Madison, Wisc.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985)Google Scholar; McCarthy, Justin, “Factors in the Analysis of the Population of Anatolia, 1800–1878,” Asian and African Studies 21 (1987): 33–63Google Scholar; and McGowan, Bruce, “The Age of the Ayans, 1699–1812,” in An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, ed. İnalcık, Halil and Quataert, Donald (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

⁸ Schamiloglu, Uli, “The Rise of the Ottoman Empire: The Black Death in Medieval Anatolia and Its Impact on Turkish Civilization,” in Views from the Edge: Essays in Honor of Richard Bulliet, ed. Yavari, Neguin et al. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

⁹ This demographic trend has been the subject of scores of regional studies in the Ottoman cadastral surveys (tahrir defterleri). For an overview of tahrir research, see Afyoncu, Erhan, “Türkiye'de Tahrir Defterlerine Dayalı Olarak Hazırlanmış Çalışmalar Hakkında Bazı Görüşler,” Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi 1 (2003): 267–86Google Scholar. For examples of this particular demographic pattern, see esp. Erder, L. and Faroqhi, S., “Population Rise and Fall in Anatolia 1550–1620,” Middle East Studies 15 (1979): 322–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Özel, Oktay, “Population Changes in Ottoman Anatolia during the 16th and 17th Centuries: The ‘Demographic Crisis’ Reconsidered,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 36 (2004): 183–205Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For example, Arık, Feda, “Selçuklular Zamanında Anadolu'da Veba Salgınları,” Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 15 (1991): 27–57Google Scholar; Berktay, Halil, “Salgın Hastalıklar,” Toplumsal Tarih 4 (1995): 17–25Google Scholar; Pınar, İlhan, “İzmir'de Veba,” Toplumsal Tarih 1 (1994): 22–25Google Scholar.

¹¹ For example, Jennings, Ronald, “Plague in Trabzon and Reactions to It According to Local Judicial Registers,” in Humanist and Scholar: Essays in Honor of Andreas Tietze, ed. Lowry, Heath and Quataert, Donald (Istanbul: Isis, 1993)Google Scholar; Mikhail, Alan, “The Nature of Plague in Late Eighteenth-Century Egypt,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 82 (2008): 249–75CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Murphey, Rhoads, “Ottoman Medicine and Transculturalism from the Sixteenth through the Eighteenth Century,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 66 (1992): 376–403Google ScholarPubMed; Singer, Amy, “Ottoman Palestine (1516–1800): Health, Disease, and Historical Sources,” in Health and Disease in the Holy Land, ed. Wasserman, Manfred and Kottek, Samuel (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen Press, 1996)Google Scholar.

¹² Kılıç, Orhan, Genel Hatlarıyla Dünya'da ve Osmanlı Devleti'nde Salgın Hastalıklar (Elazığ, Turkey: Fırat Üniversitesi Ortadoğu Araş. Mer., 2004)Google Scholar.

¹³ Yılmaz, Coşkun and Yılmaz, Necdet, eds., Osmanlılarda Sağlık (Istanbul: Biofarma, 2006)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Birsen Bulmuş, “The Plague in the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1838” (PhD diss., Georgetown University, 2008); Nukhet Varlık, “Disease and Empire: A History of Plague Epidemics in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire (1453–1600)” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 2008); and Aaron Shakow, “Marks of Contagion: The Plague, the Bourse, the Word and the Law in the Early Modern Mediterranean, 1720–1762” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 2009).

¹⁵ Alan Mikhail, “The Nature of Ottoman Egypt: Irrigation, Environment, and Bureaucracy in the Long Eighteenth Century” (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2008); and Sam White, “Ecology, Climate, and Crisis in the Ottoman Near East” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2008).

¹⁶ Shefer-Mossensohn, Miri, Ottoman Medicine: Healing and Medical Institutions, 1500–1700 (Binghamton, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Jennings, “Plague in Trabzon”; Haim Gerber, Economy and Society in an Ottoman City: Bursa 1600–1700 (Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1988); and Marcus, Abraham, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the 18th Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ See, for example, Barkan, Ömer Lütfi, “Edirne Askeri Kassamı’na Âit Tereke Defterleri,” Belgeler 3 (1966): 1–479Google Scholar; Aktan, Ali, “Kayseri Kadı Sicillerindeki Tereke Kayıtları Üzerinde Bazı Değerlendirmeler (1738–1749),” in II. Kayseri ve Yöresi Tarih Sempozyum Bildirileri (Kayseri, Turkey: Kayseri ve Yöresi Tarih Araştırmaları Merkezi Yayınları, 1998)Google Scholar; Establet, Colette and Pascual, Jean-Paul, Familles et fortunes à Damas (Damascus: Institut français de Damas, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Özdeğer, Hüseyin, 1463–1640 Yılları Bursa Şehir Tereke Defterleri (Istanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Yayınları, 1988)Google Scholar; and Öztürk, Said, Askeri Kassama Ait Onyedinci Asır İstanbul Tereke Defterleri (Istanbul: Osmanlı Araştırmaları Vakfı, 1995)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ For a sample of this now extensive body of literature, see Landers, John, The Field and the Forge: Population, Production and Power in the Pre-Industrial West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Post, John, Food Shortage, Climatic Variability, and Epidemic Disease in Preindustrial Europe (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; and Walter, John and Schofield, Roger, eds., Famine, Disease and Social Order in Early Modern Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰ McNeill, William, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Anchor Books, 1976)Google Scholar.

²¹ Christensen, Peter, The Decline of Iranshahr (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1993)Google Scholar; and Borsch, Stuart, The Black Death in Egypt and England (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

²² Covel, John, “Extracts from the Diaries of John Covel, 1670–1679,” in Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, ed. Bent, James (New York: Norton, 1972), 244Google Scholar. The comment about “fortunes . . . wrote on their forehead” probably refers to the description of Edward Grimston, “A Continuation of this Present History,” in Knolles, Richard, The Turkish History, from the Original of that Nation to the Growth of the Ottoman Empire, 6th ed. (London: T. Basset, 1687), 901Google Scholar.

²³ Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Dispacci-Costantinopoli, filza 59. For further discussion of Ottoman Muslims including muftis fleeing from epidemics, see Shefer-Mossensohn, Ottoman Medicine, 173–75.

²⁴ Varlık, “Disease and Empire,” 192–204, discusses the contagion theories and their implications in the works of İlyas bin İbrahim and Taşköprüzade. Bulmuş, “Plague in the Ottoman Empire,” chap. 2, focuses particularly on the work of İdris-i Bitlisi and Hamdan bin al-Merhum and cites numerous references to contagion and flight in hadith and plague literature. Shefer-Mossensohn, Ottoman Medicine, 173–75, also describes a fatwa by Ebu Suʿud condoning flight from epidemics. All three authors stress that motivation was a key issue, whether those fleeing were actively seeking health and safety or only evading their proper duties.

²⁵ For a comparative analysis of Muslim and Christian ideas of divine and natural causation in outbreaks of plague, see Congourdeau, Marie-Hélène and Melhaoui, Mohammed, “La perception de la peste en pays chrètien byzantine et musulman,” Revue des études byzantines 59 (2000): 95–124CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Akasoy, Anna, “Islamic Attitudes to Disasters in the Middle Ages: A Comparison of Earthquakes and Plagues,” The Medieval History Journal 10 (2007): 387–410CrossRefGoogle Scholar, has advanced a similar argument concerning parallel religious and scientific discourses on natural disasters.

²⁶ The Negotiations of Sir Thomas Roe, in his Embassy in the Ottoman Porte, from the Year 1621 to 1628 Inclusive (London: Society for the Encouragement of Learning, 1740), 459–60.

²⁷ See Slack, Paul, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (London: Routledge, 1985), chap. 2 and 9Google Scholar.

²⁸ Başbakanlık Arşivi Mühimme Defterleri folder 12/ document 534 (hereafter, MD) and MD 14/120.

²⁹ Sahillioğlu, Halil and İhsanoğlu, Ekmeleddin, Topkapi Sarayi Arşivi H. 951–952 Tarihli ve E-12321 Numarli Mühimme Defteri (Istanbul: IRCKA, 2002), documents 311 and 369Google Scholar.

³⁰ For more on Salonica and its plague outbreaks, see Mazower, Mark, Salonica: City of Ghosts (London: Harper Collins, 2004), 108–13Google Scholar.

³¹ MD 7/1626, MD 7/1828, MD 19/417, MD 36/738.

³² For example, MD 3/172.

³³ On Ottoman disease etiology, see Shefer-Mossensohn, Ottoman Medicine, 177–78 et passim. Melhaoui, Mohammed, Peste, contagion et martyre: Histoire du fléau en Occident musulman medieval (Paris: Publisud, 2005), 78Google Scholar, notes that experience with epizootics at least would have familiarized Muslims with contagion and points to hadiths mentioning contagion of animal diseases.

³⁴ Quoted in Yılmaz, Necdet and Yılmaz, Coşkun, “Evliya Çelebi'nin Seyahatnâmesi'ne Göre Osmanlılarda Sağlık Hayatı,” in Osmanlılarda Sağlık, ed. Yılmaz, Necdet and Yılmaz, Coşkun, 2 vols. (Istanbul: Biofarma, 2006)Google Scholar. Unfortunately, it is not clear just what diseases are meant here or in other references to “leprosy.” On the difficulty of diagnoses and the practice of leper colonies in general, see Watts, Epidemics and History, chap. 2.

³⁵ Jennings, “Plague in Trabzon.”

³⁶ MD 5/1334.

³⁷ Yılmaz and Yılmaz, Osmanlılarda Sağlık, 2:document 188.

³⁸ This idea has also been raised in Kılıç, Genel Hatlarıyla Dünya'da ve Osmanlı Devleti'nde Salgın Hastalıklar, 83–84.

³⁹ MD 7/1706.

⁴⁰ Ottoman Medicine, 178–79. Compare, for example, Slack, Impact of Plague, chap. 11 on the socially divisive effects of quarantine and isolation measures in contemporary England.

⁴¹ Shakow, “Marks of Contagion,” chap. I.6.

⁴² On this debate, see esp. Cohn, Samuel, “The Black Death: End of a Paradigm,” American Historical Review 107 (2002): 703–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Theilman, John and Cate, Frances, “A Plague of Plagues: The Problem of Plague Diagnosis in Medieval England,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37 (2007): 371–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ For example, Ünver, Süheyl, “Türkiye'de Veba (Taun) Tarihçesi Üzerine,” Tedavi Kliniği ve Laboratuarı 5 (1935): 70–88Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ See esp. “Ta'un and Waba Conceptions of Plague,” 271–73 et passim. The author argues that although Arab doctors could diagnose bubonic plague from other ailments, most writings did not actually use the term so carefully or specifically.

⁴⁵ Efendi, Selânikî Mustafa, Tarih-i Selânikî, ed. İpşirli, Mehmet (Ankara, Turkey: Tarih Vakfı, 1999), 759Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 768.

⁴⁷ Ibid., 178–79, 229; Paşa, Hasan Bey-zâde Ahmed, Hasan Bey-Zâde Târîhi, ed. Nezihi, Şevki (Ankara, Turkey: Tarih Vakfı, 2004), 491Google Scholar, also appears to mention a taun that was apparently not bubonic plague.

⁴⁸ For example, MD 7/974.

⁴⁹ “The Memoirs of Sir Paul Rycaut containing the History of the Turks,” in Richard Knolles, The Turkish History, 2:111.

⁵⁰ Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Dispacci-Costantonopoli, filza 41 (August 1595).

⁵¹ Âlî, Mustafa, Künhü’l-Ahbâr, ed. Faris Çerçi (Kayseri: Erciyes Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2000), 693–94Google Scholar. Anthrax outbreaks in both animal and human populations were of ancient provenance in the Mediterranean—see Sallares, Robert, Ecology of the Ancient Greek World (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991), 288Google Scholar.

⁵² Künhü’l-Ahbâr, 675–77. This murrain is also attested in both the mühimme defterleri (e.g., MD 72/6) and a Venetian dispatch, Archivio di Stato Venezia, Dispacci-Costantinopoli, filza 47 (13 June 1598).

⁵³ For the original history of this disease and its association with Ottoman lands, see Zinsser, Hans, Rats, Lice and History (New York: Little, Brown, & Co., 1935)Google Scholar. See also, for example, Cartwright, Frederick F., Disease in History (London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1972), 83–85Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Shakow, “Marks of Contagion,” xx and chap. I.4 passim.

⁵⁵ See, for example, Andreasyan, Hrand, ed., Polonyalı Simeon'un Seyahatnamesi, 1608–1619 (Istanbul: İstanbul Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakütesi Yayınları, 1964), 110Google Scholar; and Volney, Constantin-François, Travels through Egypt and Syria, in the Years 1783, 1784 & 1785 (New York: G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1798), chap. 18Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ McCarthy, “Factors in the Analysis of the Population of Anatolia,” 39.

⁵⁷ Panzac, La peste dans l'Empire ottoman, 370–71. Note the error in table 42—the text makes it apparent that the numbers for “maladies gastro-intestinales” have been switched with those for “maladies infectieuses.”

⁵⁸ See 17ff. for sources. For the best discussion of this seasonal phenomenon, see Establet and Pascual, Familles et fortunes à Damas, chap. 2.

⁵⁹ Panzac, La peste dans l'Empire ottoman, 378–80; Biraben, Les hommes et la peste, 194–96, 227–30.

⁶⁰ This phenomenon is discussed in Biraben, Les hommes et la peste, 189 and chap. 4 passim. For an Ottoman example, see, for example, Marcus, Middle East on the Eve of Modernity, 200–201.

⁶¹ Varlık, “Disease and Empire,” chap. 2.

⁶² As mentioned previously, there has been an extensive literature on this subject. For the most complete picture of nutrition and disease in history, see Massimo Livi-Bacci, Population and Nutrition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991). For a detailed comparative analysis of vagrancy and disease, see esp. Post, Food Shortage, Climatic Variability, and Epidemic Disease.

⁶³ White, “Ecology, Climate, and Crisis,” chap. 6.

⁶⁴ The question of population pressure in the later 1500s has sparked some debate since the original work of Fernand Braudel and later M. A. Cook on the subject decades ago. Generally, tahrir research has supported earlier finds of declining land–man ratios and rapidly shrinking per capita grain production, esp. in central Anatolia. See esp. Gümüşçü, Osman, Tarihî Coğrafya Açısından bir Araştırma: XVI. Yüzyıl Larende (Karaman) Kazasında Yerleşme ve Nüfus (Ankara, Turkey: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, 2001)Google Scholar; and Özel, Oktay, “Nüfus Baskısından Krize: 16–17. Yüzyıllarda Anadolu'nun Demografi Tarihine Bir Bakı,” in VIIIth International Conference on the Economic and Social History of Turkey (1998), ed. Abacı, Nurcan (Morrisville, N.C.: Lulu Press, 2006)Google Scholar. The original research on vagrancy and its attendant problems comes from the work of Akdağ, Mustafa, esp. Celâlî İsyanları (Ankara, Turkey: Ankara Üniversitesi Yayınevi, 1964)Google Scholar, and appears to be largely confirmed in the various works of Suraiya Faroqhi on late 16th- and 17th-century Ottoman social history—see, for example, “Crisis and Change,” in An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, ed. Halil İnalcık and Donald Quataert (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 438–47.

⁶⁵ For example, MD 14/499. For a further discussion of late 16th-century natural disasters, see White, Sam, The Climate of Rebellion in the Early Ottoman Empire (New York: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁶ MD 40/296.

⁶⁷ See, for example, MD 52/604, MD 52/752, MD 52/800, MD 55/118, MD 55/191, MD 55/253, MD 55/346, MD 55/409, MD 58/309, MD 58/441, MD 58/602, MD 58/642, MD 58/643, MD 58/736, MD 58/746, MD 58/752, MD 58/791, MD 59/182, MD 60/93, MD 60/112, MD 60/131, MD 60/498, MD 60/579, MD 61/9, MD 61/16, MD 61/70, MD 61/71, MD 61/138, MD 61/262.

⁶⁸ There are literally scores of reports, mostly in MD 44.

⁶⁹ For example, MD 55/253.

⁷⁰ See, for example, Tarih-i Selânikî, 148, 173–74.

⁷¹ Archivio di Stato diVenezia, Dispacci-Costantinopoli, filza 53 (3 May 1601).

⁷² This connection was first proposed in Griswold, William, “Climatic Change: A Possible Factor in the Social Unrest of Seventeenth Century Anatolia,” in Humanist and Scholar: Essays in Honor of Andreas Tietze, ed. Lowry, Heath and Quataert, Donald (Istanbul: Isis, 1993)Google Scholar.

⁷³ For details and sources, see White, Sam, “The Little Ice Age Crisis in the Ottoman Empire: A Conjuncture in Middle East Environmental History,” in Water on Sand: Environmental Histories of the Middle East and North Africa, ed. Mikhail, Alan (New York: Oxford University Press, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ See esp. Özel, “Population Changes in Ottoman Anatolia.”

⁷⁵ For further examples of natural disaster, famine, and disorder in the Late Maunder Minimum (a period of low sun-spot activity), see esp. Xoplaki, Elena et al. , “Variability of Climate in Meridional Balkans During the Periods 1675–1715 and 1780–1830 and Its Impact on Human Life,” Climatic Change 48 (2001): 581–615CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a contemporary Ottoman description, see, for example, Mehmed Ağa, Silahdar Fındıklı, Silahdar Tarihi, 2 vols. (Istanbul: Devlet Matbaası, 1928), 2:243Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Landers, John, “London's Mortality in the ‘Long Eighteenth Century’: A Family Reconstitution Study,” in Living and Dying in London, ed. Bynum, W. F. and Porter, Roy (London: Wellcome Institute, 1991)Google Scholar; and idem, “Mortality and Metropolis: The Case of London 1675–1825,” Population Studies 41 (1987): 59–76.

⁷⁷ Myllyntaus, Timo, “Summer Frost: A Natural Catastrophe with Fatal Consequences in Pre-Industrial Finland,” in Natural Disasters, Cultural Responses: Case Studies Toward a Global Environmental History, ed. Mauch, Christof and Pfister, Christian (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2009)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Accounts of the famine and starvation fill the Venetian dispatches and chronicles of the period, with perhaps the most detailed and graphic depictions in the recently translated Armenian chronicle The History of Vardapet Arak'el of Tabriz, trans. and ed. George Bournoutian (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Mazda Publishers, 2005). On the great flight, see Akdağ, Mustafa, “Celâli İsyanlarından Büyük Kaçgunluk,” Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 2 (1964): 1–49Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Note that observations of European bubonic-plague outbreaks seem to confirm that the disease was more likely to flare up in hot, humid weather and die down in times of cold and drought—see, for example, Biraben, Les hommes et la peste, chap. 3, and Lamb, H. H., Climate, History, and the Modern World, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 1995), 312–13Google Scholar. Modern studies on rodent-borne bubonic plague also reveal a weak but statistically significant correlation between precipitation and plague cases, because drought tends to reduce overall rat populations—see Parmenter, R. R. et al. , “Incidence of Plague Associated with Increased Winter-Spring Precipitation in New Mexico,” American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 61 (1999): 814–21CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

⁸⁰ Mikhail, “Nature of Plague in Late Eighteenth-Century Egypt.”

⁸¹ For similar cases of synergy among drought, famine, and epidemics, see, for example, Raymond, André, “Les grandes épidémies de peste au Caire aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles,” Bulletin d'études orientales 25 (1973): 203–10Google Scholar; and Aydıner, Mesut, “Küresel Isınma Tartışmalarına Tarihten Bir Katkı: Arşiv Belgeleri Işığında XVIII. Yüzyılın İkinci Yarısında Diyarbekir ve Çevresinde Meydana Gelen Büyük Kıtlık ve Alınan Tedbirler,” Ankara Üniversitesi Osmanlı Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Dergisi 19 (2006): 123–38Google Scholar.

⁸² The development is discussed throughout Faroqhi, Suraiya, Towns and Townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

⁸³ On the regulation of population movements and the çift-bozan akçesi, see, for example, Singer, Amy, “Peasant Migration: Law and Practice in Early Ottoman Palestine,” New Perspectives on Turkey 8 (1992): 49–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On peasant flight in this period, see, for example, Murphey, Rhoads, “Population Movements and Labor Mobility in Balkan Contexts: A Glance at Post-1600 Ottoman Social Realities,” in Southeast Europe in History: The Past, the Present and the Problems of Balkanology, ed. Delilbaşı, M. (Ankara, Turkey: Ankara University Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Tabak, The Waning of the Mediterranean (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 193–94 et passim.

⁸⁵ Mantran, Robert, Istanbul dans la seconde moitié du XVII^e siècle (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1962), 44–50Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Raymond, André, Cairo (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), chap. 11Google Scholar; idem, Grandes villes arabes à l'époque ottomane (Paris: Sindbad, 1985), 57; and idem, “The Population of Aleppo in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries According to Ottoman Census Documents,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 16 (1984): 447–60.

⁸⁷ Hüseyin Muşmal, “XVII. Yüzyılın İlk Yarısında Konya'da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayat (1640–50)” (PhD diss., Selçuk Üniversitesi, 2000), 66–68; and Yusuf Oğuzoğlu, “17. Yüzyılda Konya Şehrindeki İdari ve Sosyal Yapılar,” in Konya, ed. F. Halıcı (Ankara: Güven Matbaası, 1984).

⁸⁸ Behar, Cem, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun ve Türkiye'nin Nüfusu 1500–1927 (Ankara, Turkey: Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu Yayınları, 1996), 16Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Gerber, Economy and Society in an Ottoman City, chap. 1.

⁹⁰ Faroqhi, Suraiya, Men of Modest Substance: House Owners and House Property in Seventeenth-Century Ankara and Kayseri (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 32–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Taş, Hülya, XVIII. Yüzyılda Ankara (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2006), 111Google Scholar.

⁹¹ On the development of Izmir in this period, see, for example, Goffman, Daniel, Izmir and the Levantine World (Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

⁹² See, for example, Andreasyan, Hrand, “Celâlilerden Kaçan Anadolu Halkının Geri Gönderilmesi,” in İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı’ya Armağan (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1976)Google Scholar; and Aktepe, M. Münir, “XVIII. Asrın İlk Yarısında İstanbul'un Nüfus Mes'elesine Dâir Bâzı Vesikalar,” Tarih Dergisi 9 (1958): 1–30Google Scholar, for original sources on the population problem and attempted expulsions.

⁹³ See, for example, Owen, Roger, The Middle East in the World Economy (New York: I. B. Tauris, 1993), 24–25Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Contemporary Venetian dispatches have left particularly graphic depictions—see, for example, Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Dispacci-Costantinopoli, filza 62 (10 September 1605).

⁹⁵ For examples, see Marcus, Middle East on the Eve of Modernity, 263, 299–301; Raymond, Grandes villes arabes, 148–51; and Mantran, Robert, “Réflexions sur les problèmes de l'eau à Istanbul du XVI^e au XVIII^e siècle,” in IIIrd Congress on the Economic and Social History of Turkey, Princeton 24–26 August 1983, ed. Lowry, Heath and Hattox, Ralph (Istanbul: Isis, 1990)Google Scholar. These impressions are also confirmed in the accounts of many Western travelers—see the examples in Üçel-Aybet, Gülgün, Avrupalı Seyyahların Gözünden Osmanlı Dünyası ve İnsanları (1530–1699) (Istanbul: İletişim, 2003), chap. 4Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Erten, Hayri, Konya Şer'iyye Sicilleri Işığında Ailenin Sosyo-Ekonomik ve Kültürel Yapısı (XVIII. Yüzyıl İlk Yarısı) (Ankara, Turkey: T. C. Kültür Bakanlığı, 2001), 98Google Scholar. Note that all the numbers given here only concern married couples appearing in court and not the considerable population of bachelors we would also find in cities.

⁹⁷ See, for example, Duben, Alan, “Turkish Families and Households in Historical Perspective,” Journal of Family History 10 (1985): 75–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Taş, XVIII. Yüzyılda Ankara, 225; Ömer Düzbakar, “XVII. Yüzyıl Sonlarında Bursa'da Ekonomik ve Sosyal Hayat” (PhD diss., Ankara Üniversitesi, 2003), 169–71; and Muşmal, “XVII. Yüzyılın İlk Yarısında Konya'da Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayat,” 73–74.

⁹⁸ Masters, Bruce, “Patterns of Migration to Ottoman Aleppo in the 17th and 18th Centuries,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 4 (1987): 75–89Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ For example, Landers, “London's Mortality,” 1, suggests that London alone absorbed about 400,000 rural births from 1700 to 1750.

¹⁰⁰ See, for example, Dağlar, Oya, War, Epidemics, and Medicine in the Late Ottoman Empire (1912–1918) (Haarlem, The Netherlands: SOTA, 2008)Google Scholar.