Author's note: This article treats political and social developments in late Ottoman Damascus on the basis of Arabic and English sources. I have not consulted Turkish-language sources, which would add another dimension to this study. I would like to thank Juan R. Cole, Rudi Lindner, and Irma Livezeanu for suggestions and comments on earlier drafts of this article.

¹ Khoury, Philip S., Urban Notables and Arab Nationalism (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 59, 70–71;CrossRefGoogle Scholaral-Shihābī, Mustafā, Muhādarāt 'an al-qawmiyya al-'arabiyya (Cairo, 1958), pp. 45, 51–53;Google Scholaral-Haffār, Lutfī, Dhikriyyāt, 2 vols. (Damascus, 1954), vol. 1, p. 8. Arab nationalism as a political movement developed after 1908. In this article I discuss Arabism and Arabists to refer to the cultural trend and the movement for administrative decentralization from which emerged Arab nationalism.Google Scholar

² Brief references to Islamic reform in Damascus are in Laoust, Henri, “Le Réformisme Orthodoxe des ‘Salafiya’ et les Caractères Généraux de Son Orientation Actuelle,” Revue des Études Islamiques, 6 (1932), 177–178, 183, 191;Google ScholarLaoust, , Essai sur les Doctrines Sociales et Politiques de Taki-al-Din Ahmad ibn Taimiya (Cairo, 1939), pp. 535–536, 559;Google ScholarHourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age (Oxford, 1970), p. 222.Google Scholar

³ For the Tanzimat reformers'stress on science and reason, see Berkes, Niyazi, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (Montreal, 1964), pp. 129–130, 178.Google Scholar

⁴ Gouldner, Alvin, The Future of Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class (New York, 1979).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ The best account of economic change in Damascus in the nineteenth century is in Schilcher, Linda Schatkowski, Families in Politics: Damascene Factions and Estates of the 18th and 19th Centuries (Stuttgart, 1985), pp. 60–86;Google Scholar on Damascus's role in intraregional trade, see Owen, Roger E., The Middle East in the World Economy. 1800–1914 (London, 1981), pp. 47, 52–54, 96–97;Google Scholar on the artisan sector, see Issawi, Charles, ed., The Economic History of the Middle East, 1800–1914 (Chicago, 1966), pp. 221, 230, 238, 244;Google Scholar on trade with Europe and cash crop agriculture, see Owen, The Middle East, pp. 79–89, 167, 247–248; Issawi, The Economic History, pp. 226–230.

⁶ On tariff advantages for European merchants and Syrian non-Muslims, see Owen, The Middle East, pp. 91–99; Issawi, The Economic History, pp. 38–40; on the mixed commercial courts, see Owen, The Middle East, p. 90; Ma'oz, Moshe, Ottoman Reform in Syria and Palestine, 1840–1860 (Oxford, 1968), pp. 155, 174–175;Google Scholar for a Muslim thinker's perception of Christian prosperity, see Seikaly, Samir M., “Damascene Intellectual Life in the Opening Years of the 20th Century: Muhammad Kurd 'Ali and al-Muqtabas,” in Buheiry, Marwan R., ed., Intellectual Life in the Arab East, 1890–1939 (Beirut, 1981), p. 147.Google Scholar

⁷ On the July 1860 massacre and its aftermath, see Schilcher, Families in Politics, pp. 87–106; Khoury, Urban Notables, pp. 23–26; Salibi, Kamal S., “The 1860 Upheaval in Damascus as seen by al-Sayyid Muhammad Abūl-Su'ūd al-Hasībī, Notable and later Naqīb al-Ashrāf of the City,” in Polk, William R. and Chambers, Richard L., eds., Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The Nineteenth Century (Chicago, 1968), pp. 186–201.Google Scholar

⁸ Shamir, Shimon, “The Modernization of Syria: Problems and Solutions in the Early Period of bdülhamīd,” in Polk, and Chambers, , eds., Beginnings of Modernization, pp. 379–381;Google ScholarGross, Max, “Ottoman Rule in the Province of Damascus, 1860–1909,” Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown University, 1979, pp. 231–239, 251–253.Google Scholar

⁹ For a general account of the Tanzimat reforms, see Berkes, The Development of Secularism.

¹⁰ Mardin, Şerif, “Some Notes on an Early Phase in the Modernization of Communication in Turkey,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 3 (1961), 258–271;CrossRefGoogle Scholaral-Bānī, Muhammad Sa'īd, Tan wīr al-basā'ir bi-sīrat al-shaykh Tahir (Damascus, 1921), pp. 18–20.Google Scholar

¹¹ On the appearance of a generation of bureaucrats who graduated from Tanzimat era schools, see Shaw, Stanford J., “Some Aspects of the Aims and Achievements of the Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Reformers,” in Polk, and Chambers, , Beginnings of Modernization, p. 36.Google Scholar

¹² On the statutory courts, see Shamir, “Modernization of Syria,” pp. 360, 363; Gross, “Ottoman Rule”, pp. 19, 136; on the state schools see Gross, “Ottoman Rule,” pp. 123, 273, 360, 378–379; 'Awad, 'Abd al-'Azīz Muhammad, al-Idāra al-'uthmāniyya fī wilāya sūriyya (Cairo, 1969), pp. 254–266, 363.Google Scholar

¹³ On non-Syrian reformers calling to reason and unity, see al-Badawi, M. A. Zaki, The Reformers of Egypt (London, 1978), pp. 27, 32, 43, 50–51;Google ScholarAdams, Charles, Islam and Modernism in Egypt (London, 1933), pp. 134–135.Google Scholar

¹⁴ al-Bītār, 'Abd al-Razzāq, Hilyat al-bashar fī tārīkh al-qarn al-thālith 'ashar 3 vols. (Damascus, 1961–1963), vol. 1, pp. 11, 435;Google Scholaral-Jundī, Anwar, Tarājim al-a'lāmal-mu'āsirīn fī al-'alam alslāmī (Cairo, 1970), p. 169.Google Scholar

¹⁵ al-Qāsimī, Jamāl al-Dīn, Qawā'id al-tahdīth min funūn mustalah al-hadīth (Damascus, 1935), pp. 264–265;Google Scholaral-Khatīb, 'Adnān, al-Shaykh Tāhir al-Jazā'irī rā'id al-nahda al-'ilmiyya fī bilād al-shām (Cairo, 1971), p. 23.Google Scholar

¹⁶ al-Qāsimī, Jamāl al-Dīn, Dalā'il al-tawhīd (Damascus, 1912), p. 118;Google ScholarQāsimī, , “Ta'ārud al'aql wa al-'aql,” al-Manār, 13 (1910), 622.Google Scholar

¹⁷ al-Qāsimī, Jamāl al-Dīn, Risāla fī iqāmat al-hujja (Damascus, 1924), pp. 14, 49–50.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Qāsimī, Qawā'id, pp. 288–293, 344–349; Tanbīh al-tālib ilā ma'rifat al-fard wa-al-wājib (Cairo, 1908), pp. 48–49; Kitāb al-isti'nās li-tashīh ankihat al-nās (Damascus, 1914), pp. 44–51.

¹⁹ Qāsimī, Qawā'id, pp. 51–52, 288, 302–303.

²⁰ al-Qāsimī, Jamāl al-Dīn, al-Fatwā fī al-Islām (Damascus, 1911), pp. 53–54, 81;Google ScholarIrshād al-khalq ilā al-'amal bi-khabar al-barq (Damascus, 1911), p. 72; Khatīb, Shaykh Tāhir, p. 23.

²¹ Khatīb, Shaykh Tāhir, pp. 40, 65–66, 80–83, 110–111.

²² For an account of the emergence of the landholding-bureaucratic class, see Khoury, Urban Notables, pp. 1–53.

²³ For example, after Mufti Mahmūd al-Hamzāwī died in 1887, lesser ulama obtained the post of jurisconsult. Hamzāwī was far wealthier than either Muhammad al-Manīnī or Sālih al-Qatanā, his two successors. Markaz al-wathā'iq al-tārīkhiyya, Damascus, Sijill 872, document 110 for Mahmūd al-Hamzāwī's bequest; Sijill 1119, pp. 122–126 for Muhammad al-Manīnī's bequest.

²⁴ On Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī, a prayer leader, and Tahir al-Jazā'irī, who worked in the new school system, see note 30 below; for 'Abd al-Razzāq al-Bītār, a prayer leader, see Bītār, Hilya 1:9–20; for Salīm al-Bukhārī, the prayer leader in an army battalion, see Majallat al-majma' al-'ilmī al- 'arabī, 9 (1929), 742–749;Google Scholar for 'Abd al-Qādir b. Badrān, a teacher, see al-Mujāhid, Zakī, al-A'lām al-sharqiyya fī al-mi'a al-rābi'a 'ashara al-hijriyya (Cairo, 1950), pp. 128–130;Google Scholar on al-Nuwaylātī, Ahmad, a teacher, see al-Tamaddun al-Islāmī, 4 (1938), 216–219; on Hāmid al-Taqī, another prayer leader, there are no published sources; my information is from an untitled notebook in the Qāsimī family's private library in Muhājirīn, Damascus, in the custody of Mr. Muhammad Sa'īd al-Qāsimī.Google Scholar

²⁵ On Tāhir al-Jazā'irī's contacts with the Young Turks, see Bānī, Tanwīr, pp. 25, 128–129; Khatīb, Shaykh Tahir, pp. 44, 105, 137–138.

²⁶ There were several instances of confrontation between salafis and conservative ulama. See Bītār, Tilya, vol. 1, pp. 16–18; al-Qāsimī, Zāfir, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī wa-'asruhu (Damascus, 1965), pp. 199–211.Google Scholar

²⁷ Bānī, Tanwīr, pp. 65, 89–90; al-Qāsimī, Jamāl al-Dīn, Dalā'il al-tawhīd, pp. 4–5, 10, 75–95, 100–108.Google Scholar

²⁸ Khudūr, Adīb, al-Sihāfa al-sūriyya, nash'atuhā, tatawwaruhā, wa-wāqi'uhā al-rāhin (Damascus, 1972), pp. 70, 83, 115; Great Britain, Foreign Office 195/1480/40: Eldridge to Wyndham, 10 December 1884; 195/2165/34: Richards to O'Conor, 9 July 1904.Google Scholar

²⁹ Bānī, Tanwīr, pp. 46, 78; Khatīb, Shaykh Tāhir, p. 19; al-Qāsimi, Zāfir, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī, pp. 92–93;Google Scholar Shihābī, Muhādarāt 'an al-qawmiyya al-'arabiyya, p. 51.

³⁰ On Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī, see Zāfir al-Qāsimī, Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī (hereafter cited as JDQ); on Tāhir al-Jazā'irī, see Bānī, Tanwīr; Khatīb, Shaykh Tāhir 1, cited below.

³¹ 'Abd al-Razzāq al-Bītār and 'Abd al-Majīd al-Khānī met Muhammad 'Abduh in Beirut in 1886; al-Qāyātī, Muhammad 'Abd al-Jawād, Nafhat al-bashām fī rihlat al-shām (Cairo, 1900), pp. 108, 145, 186–195;Google Scholar Ahmad al-Jazā'irī was another liberal influence on Qāsimī al-Qāsimā, Jamāl al-Dīn, “Tārīkh al-ustādh Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī,” manuscript, Qāsimī library, Damascus, p. 4;Google Scholar and Qāsimī, “Ta'tīr al-mashām fī ma'āthīr al-shām,” manuscript, unrevised copy, II, unnumbered pages 21–27; biographical information on Ahmad al-Jazā'irī, is in al-Jazāirī, Ahmad, Nathr al-durr wa-basatihi fī bayān kawn al-'ilm nuqta (Beirut, 1906), pp. 2–3;Google Scholaral-Hisnī, Muhammad Adīb Āl Taqī al-Dīn, Muntakhabāt al-tawārīkh li-dimashq, 3 vols. (Damascus, 1928), vol. 2, pp. 704–705.Google Scholar

³² For the background and details of the ijtihad incident, see JDQ, pp. 48–69.

³³ Jundī, Adham Āl, A 'lam al-adab wa-al-fann, 2 vols. (Damascus, 1954) vol. 1, p. 223.Google Scholar

³⁴ Khatīb, Shaykh Tāhir, p. 94; Bānī, Tanwīr, pp. 73–74. Shaykh 'Abd al-Ghanī al-Ghunaymī was the liberal sheikh who looked after Tāhir al-Jazā'irī; on Ghunaymī, see Bītār, Hilya vol. 2, pp. 867–872; Hisnī, Muntakhabat, vol. 11, p. 670.

³⁵ Bānī Tanwīr, pp. 128–129.

³⁶ Khatīb, Shaykh Tāhir, pp. 103–108; al-Mashriq, 18 (1915), 146.Google Scholar

³⁷ For a partial list of Jazā'irī's works, see Däghir, Yūsuf As'ad, Masādir al-dirāsa al-adabiyya al-'arabiyya, 2 vols. (Beirut, 1955), vol. I, pp. 264–269;Google ScholarVan Dyck, Edward, Iktifā' al-qunū' bi mā huwa matbū min ajall al-ta'alīf al-'arabiyya fī al-matābi' al-sharqiyyah wa- 'l-gharbiyyah (Cairo, 1896), pp. 261, 464.Google Scholar

³⁸ Shihābī, Muhādarāt 'an al-qawmiyya al-'arabiyya, p. 51.

³⁹ On the opening of Maktab 'Anbar, see Jundī, Adham Āl, Shuhadā' al-harb al-'alamiyya al-kubrā (Damascus, 1960), p. 102;Google Scholar on Tāhir's relation to Salīm, see Qal'ajī, Qadrī, al-Sābiqūn (Beirut, 1954), p. 27.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Shihābī, Muhādarāt 'an al-qawmiyya al- 'arabiyya, p. 51.

⁴¹ al-Shihābī, Mustafā, Muhādarāt fī al-isti'mār, 3 vols. (Cairo, 1956), vol. 2, p. 35.Google Scholar

⁴² al-Khatīb, Muhibb al-Dīn, “al-Shāhid al-sa'īd—Sālih Qanbāz, 1303–1334,” al-Zahrā', 2 (1925–1926), 419–420;Google Scholar Shihābī, Muhādarāt 'an al-qawmiyya al-'arabiyya, pp. 52–53.

⁴³ For information on Maktab 'Anbar during the early 1900s, see al-Bārūdī, Fakhrī, Mudhakkirāt al-Bārūdī, 2 vols. (Beirut and Damascus: 1951–1952), vol. 1, pp. 29–32, 55–57.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ al-Khatīb, Muhibb al-Dīn, “Sālih Qanbāz,” 420;Google Scholar Bārūdī, Mudhakkirāt, vol. 1, pp. 57–59.

⁴⁵ Bārūdī, Mudhakkirāt, vol. 1, p. 81; on the founding of the Arab Renaissance Society, see al-Khatīb, Muhibb al-Dīn, ed., al-Duktūr Salāh al-Dīn al-Qāsimī, 1305–1334: Āthāruhu (Cairo, 1959), pp. 4–7. Hereafter this reference will be cited as SDQ.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Shihābī, Muhādarāt 'an al-qawmiyya al- 'arabiyya, p. 54.

⁴⁷ For Salāh al-Dīn al-Qāsimī's ideas, see SDQ, pp. 17–47, 58–68, 72–75; for a discussion of an Arabist's thought in English, see Seikaly, “Damascene Intellectual Life,” pp. 129–153.

⁴⁸ Ahmad, Feroz, The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress in Turkish Politics, 1908–1914 (Oxford, 1969), pp. 166–181. The biographical appendix shows a high proportion of lawyers, journalists, intellectuals, army officers, teachers, and doctors in its relatively small sample.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ On Turkification policies, see Khoury, Urban Notables, pp. 58–59; Khalidi, Rashid, “Arab Nationalism in Syria—The Formative Years, 1908–1914,” in Haddad, William W. and Ochsenwald, William L., eds., Nationalism in a Non-National State: The Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire (Columbus, 1977), pp. 213–216.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Khoury, Urban Notables, p. 68.

⁵¹ JDQ, p. 215.

⁵² Foreign Office (FO) 195/2277/33: Devey to Lowther, 12 August 1908; 195/2277/39: Devey to Lowther, 4 September 1908.

⁵³ SDQ, p. 8.

⁵⁴ JDQ, pp. 216–224 for excerpts from the speech.

⁵⁵ FO 195/2277/33: Devey to Lowther, 12 August 1908.

⁵⁶ FO 195/2277/42: Devey to Lowther, 6 September 1908. The candidates included salafis Salīm al-Bukhārī and Rafīq al'Azm, Arabists 'Abd al-Wahhāb al-Inklīzī, Shukrī al'Asalī, and senior circle members As'ad Darwīsh and Husayn Haydar.

⁵⁷ FO 195/2277/51: Devey to Lowther, 1 October 1908.

⁵⁸ On the background to the conservatives' moves against the CUP, see Ridā, Rashīd, “Rihla sāhib al-Manāar,” al-Manār,” 11 (1908), 949; Khoury, Urban Notables, pp. 56–57.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ridā, “Rihla,” 948; FO 195/2277/51: Devey to Lowther, 1 October 1908.

⁶⁰ JDQ, p. 445.

⁶¹ Ridā, “Rihla,” 949; on 'Abduh and Tūnisī, see Green, Arnold, The Tunisian Ulama, 1873–1915: Social Structure and Response to Ideological Currents (Leiden, 1978), pp. 183–184. In late Ottoman Damascus, Wahhabism implied political subversion because the Wahhabis never accorded Ottoman sultans legitimacy. Indeed, the Wahhabis drove the Ottomans out of Arabia for a time in the nineteenth century. The term also carried pejorative connotations with respect to religious beliefs: a “Wahhabi's” practices and beliefs bordered on infidelity (kufr) in the eyes of many. Qāsimī and Bītār were accused of propagating Wahhabism on several occasions. See below.Google Scholar

⁶² JDQ, p. 447.

⁶³ For detailed accounts of the following incident, see Ridā, “Rihla,” 941–947; Bārūdī, Mudhakkirāt, vol. I, pp. 71–73; JDQ, pp. 445–450.

⁶⁴ Ridā, “Rihla,” 950; Bārūdī, Mudhakkirāt, vol. I, p. 72.

⁶⁵ JDQ, p. 449.

⁶⁶ Bārūdī, Mudhakkirāt, vol. 1, pp. 72–73; FO 195/2277/58: Devey to Lowther, 27 October 1908.

⁶⁷ On Qāsimī's and Bītar's seclusion, see JDQ, pp. 451–461.

⁶⁸ FO 195/2277/60: Devey to Lowther, 5 November 1908.

⁶⁹ Bārūdī, Mudhakkirāt, vol. I, p. 73; FO 195/2311/I: Devey to Lowther, 2 January 1909.

⁷⁰ Bārūdī, Mudhakkirāt, vol. I, p. 73; Ridā, “Rihla,” 950.

⁷¹ Ridg, “Rihla,” 950.

⁷² On the election results, see Khoury, Urban Notables, p. 57.

⁷³ SDQ, p. 8; on the celebrations in Damascus, see al-Muqtabas (Damascus), 18 December. 1908. p. 3.

⁷⁴ Muhammad Kurd 'Alī published a monthly literary journal for two and a half years in Cairo, also called al-Mu qtabas. When he returned to Syria, he continued publishing the journal launched a daily newspaper of the same name. Seikaly, “Damascene Intellectual Life,” pp. 126–127.

⁷⁵ Al-Muqtabas, 17 December 1908, p. 4.

⁷⁶ SDQ, p. 8.

⁷⁷ Sese note 24 for the reference on Nuwaylātī.

⁷⁸ SDQ, pp. 9–10.

⁷⁹ On Darvīsh Vahdetī, his journal, and the Muhammadan Union, see Farhi, David, “The Seriat a Political Slogan—or the Incident of the 31st Mart,” Middle East Studies, 7 (1971), 283–285;CrossRefGoogle ScholarSwenson, Victor R., “The Military Rising in Istanbul, 1909,” Journal of Contemporary History, 5 (1970), 176–177.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸⁰ FO 195/2311/18: Devey to Lowther, 3 April 1909.

⁸¹ Ridā, Rashīd, “al-Diyar al-sūriyya fi 'ahd al-hukūma al-dustūriyya,” al-Manār, 12 (1909), 795.Google Scholar

⁸² On the military rising in Istanbul, see Swenson, “The Military Rising,” 171–184; on the response in Damascus, see FO 195/2311/22: Devey to Lowther, 19 April 1909.

⁸³ FO 195/2311/22: Devey to Lowther, 19 April 1909.

⁸⁴ FO 195/2311/25: Devey to Lowther, 29 April 1909.

⁸⁵ SDQ, p. 78.

⁸⁶ FO 195/2311/34: Deveyto Lowther, 31 May 1909.

⁸⁷ JDQ, pp. 594–595.

⁸⁸ Ibid., p. 228.

⁸⁹ On the delegation to Istanbul, see SDQ, pp. 157, 176–177.

⁹⁰ For the texts that Kurd 'Alī published, see al-Muqtabas, 14 September 1909, p. 3; al-Muqtabas, 15 September 1909, p. 2; for a general account of the incident, see Ghalāyinī, Mustafā, “al-Sa'āyah wa-al-khilāfa al-'arabiyya fī dimashq,” al-Nibrās, 1 (1909/1910), 302–303.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Ibid., 302–303; Ridā, Rashīd, “Fitan ramadān fī dimashq al-shām,” al-Manār, 12 (1909), 720.Google Scholar

⁹² For details on this incident, see JDQ, pp. 202–204.

⁹³ Ibid., pp. 472–476.

⁹⁴ Ibid., p. 204; Ghalāyinī, , “Ahamm al-akhbār wa-al-ārā',” al-Nibrās, 2 (1910/1911), 35–36.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ In the CUP camp, clients of Muhammad Fawzī al-'Azm ran for municipal office, while 'Azm himself, 'Abd al-Muhsin al-Ustuwānī, Amīn al-Tarzī, 'Abd al-Rahmān al-Yūsuf (who had broken with the salafis and Arabists) ran for parliament. In the Arabist camp, 'Uthmān al'Azm ran for municipal office, and 'Abd al-Rahman Shahbandar and Shafīq al-Mu'ayyad al'Azm rallied support for the Liberal Entente. al'Azm, Haqqi, Haqā'iq al-intikhābāt al-niyābiyya fī al-'irāq wa-filastīn wa-sūriyya (Cairo, 1912), pp. 10, 12, 15, 33–34, 39–40, 44–45.Google Scholaral-Bukhārī, Salīm, a salafi and longtime supporter of the CUP, left the Committee to work for the Liberal Entente; Majallat al-majma 'al-'ilmī al-'arabī, 9 (1928), 745. On the 1912 election in Syria,Google Scholar see Khalidi, Rashid, “The 1912 Election Campaign in the Cities of bilad al-Shām,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 16 (1984), 461–474.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁹⁶ Ahmad, The Young Turks, p. 98. 'Abd al-Hamīd al-Zahrāwī, a salafi from Homs, participated in founding the Liberal Entente and greeted its formation in the Arabic newspaper he published in Istanbul. He listed its founding members and the parliamentary deputies who joined, and he described its platform. al-Rikābī, Jawdat and Sultān, Jamīl, al-Irth al-fikrī li- 'l-muslih al-ijtimā'ī 'Abd al-Hamīd al-Zahrāwī (Damascus, 1963), pp. 479–486.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ 'Azm, Haqā'iq al-intikhābāt, pp. 63–64.

⁹⁸ The Party for Administrative Decentralization published its platform in “Bayān hizb al-lāmarkaziyya al-idāriyya al'uthmānī, al-Manār, 16 (1913), pp. 226–231; for the party's charter and bylaws, see Anonymous, Thawrat al'arab (Cairo, 1916), pp. 57–62. Rashīd Ridā, 'Abd al-Hamīd al-Zahrāwī, and Rafīq al-'Azm (all Syrian salafis) were among the party's founders; Khalidi, Rashid, British Policy towards Syria and Palestine, 1906–1914 (London, 1980), pp. 285–286.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Members of the Arab Renaissance Society signed the petition: SSalāh al-Dīsn al-Qāsimī, 'Ārif al-Shihābī, Lutfī al-Haffār, Rushdī al-Hakīm, 'Uthmān Mardam-Beg, Adīb Mardam-Beg, Muhammad Kurd 'Alī, Ahmad Kurd 'Alī, and Mahmud Kurd 'Alī; other Arabists included 'Abd al-Rahān Shahbandar and 'Abd al-Wahhāb al-Inklīzī; members of the salafi camp also signed: Hamid al-Taqī, and Muhammad 'Īd al-Qāsimī (Jamāl al-Dīn's brother). Kawtharānī, Wajīh, ed., Wathā'iq al-mu'tamar al-'arabī al-awwal, 1913 (Beirut, 1980), pp. 153–154.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Muhammad Fawzī al-'Azm and 'Abd al-Rahmān al-Yūsuf headed the list of opponents to the Congress. Ibid., pp. 88–89, 98.

¹⁰¹ Jundī, Shuhadā', pp. 94–102; Khatīb, Shaykh Tāhir, p. 84; for Jamāl Pasha's side of the events, see Turkey, the Fourth Army, La vérité sur la question syrienne (Istanbul, 1916).Google Scholar

¹⁰² On Bukhārī's and Bānī's exile, see Jundī, A 'lām al-adab, vol. 2, p. 119; Khatīb, Shaykh Tāhir, p. 55.

¹⁰³ Bāni, Tanwīr, p. 25; Qal'ajī, al-Sābiqūn, p. 27.

¹⁰⁴ On Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qāsimī, see Bītār, Hilya, vol. 1, p. 438; on 'Abd al-Razzāq al-Bītār, see al-Bītār, Muhammad Bahjat, “Tarjamat al-shaykh 'Abd al-Razzāq al-Bītār,” al-Manār, 21 (1919), 317; on Tāhir al-Jazā'irī, see Bāni, sTanwīr, p. 140; on Salīm al-Bukhārī, see Majallat al-majma' al-'ilmī al- 'arabī, 9 (1929), 7.Google Scholar