Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 April 2014
When I was in graduate school, in the 1980s, one frequently heard complaints about the comparatively unsophisticated nature of the historiography of the medieval Middle East. There was considerable envy of historians in fields like early modern European history, who pushed broader disciplinary limits and whose works were read not just for content but also for historiographical and theoretical inspiration. There were some in our own corner of the profession blazing new methodological trails—Clifford Geertz, for example, who, though not a historian, had much to say to historians, and whose books were read eagerly by historians, and not just in Middle Eastern history; or Fedwa Malti-Douglas, as much at home in feminist literary theory as in medieval Arabic literature. But many graduate students in Middle Eastern history felt a bit underrepresented on the cutting edge of historical thought and practice.
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2 Petry, Carl, Protectors or Praetorians? The Last Mamlūk Sultans and Egypt's Waning as a Great Power (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1994)Google Scholar.
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4 Peirce, Leslie, Morality Tales: Law and Gender in the Ottoman Court of Aintab (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2003)Google Scholar.
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6 And a fair amount of secondary literature as well. Richardson's survey of the historiography on disabilities in medieval Islam (pp. 7–9) is remarkably full, and a reminder that earlier historians really have accomplished a great deal.
7 See Foster, Benjamin R., “Agoranomos and Muhtasib,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 13 (1970): 128–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 Tyan, Émile, Histoire de l'organisation judiciare en pays de l'Islam (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960)Google Scholar.
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11 Al-Zayni Barakat (Cairo: Maktabat Madbuli, 1974); trans. Farouk Abdel Wahab (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1988).