Author's note: I would like to thank Rifaat Abou el-Haj for his critical reading of this text, and Teresa Joseph, and Daniel Goodwin.Google Scholar

¹ Gibbs, Lee W. and Stevenson, W. Taylor, Myth and the Crisis of Historical Consciousness (Missoula, Mont.: American Academy of Religion, 1975);Google ScholarWhite, Hayden, Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978)Google Scholar: see Laroui's, AbdallahThe Crisis of the Arab Intellectual (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974) pp. 24ff., chap. 4, for a critique of the Palestinian historian Qustantin Zurayk, and linearism.Google Scholar

² Said, Edward, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978);Google ScholarTurner, Bryan, Marx and the End of Orientalism (London, 1978).Google Scholar

³ al-Tahtāwi, Rifāah, Muhammad: Nihāyat al-ījaz fi sīrat sātkin al-Hijāz ed. AbüZayd, Fārūq (3 vols.; Cairo, 1967).Google Scholar

⁴ This applies to quite recent works in neo-Marxism as well. Anderson, Perry (Lineages of the Absolutist State [London: NLB, 1974], pp. 360–96, 462–549), while dismissing the Asiatic Mode of Production as theory, and calling for further research, presents the “house of Islam” in largely idealist categories. The Ottoman dynamic was a combination of “ghazi spirit and old Islamic principles” (p. 363); Ottoman imperial expansion was a product of a military ideology and not economic forces (cf. comments in the text on Duby's theory). By missing the commercial and industrial basis, Anderson finds a ‘permanent gulf between juridical theory and legal practice in classical islam (p. 498). Anderson here is quoting Schacht. Like Schacht he brings out a landlord view of the peasant, the mysteries of the Islamic city (a city that lacks municipal autonomy) and other artifices which one would not expect in a Marxist book on any other subject. Turkey is viewed as being characterized by military rigidity, ideological zealotry, and commercial lethargy” (p. 517), also India and Persia. In sum, this is a work in Marxist orientalism, most of it is devoted to the rise of the West.Google Scholar

⁵ The analysis of Ms. Cynthia Flannery, UCLA.Google Scholar

⁶ Amin, Samir: Unequal Development (New York: Monthly Review, 1976);Google ScholarAccumulation on a World Scale (New York: Monthly Review, 1974);Google ScholarArab Nation (New York: Monthly Review, 1978).Google Scholar

⁷ This schema was applied previously on a very limited scale to the subject of Islamic medicine, “Overview of Arab Medical Systems,” Social Science and Medicine 13B (1980), 339–349.Google Scholar

⁸ The idea of a nomad-centered history of ‘Abd al-' Azīz al-Dürī appears to have influenced a recent work, Hasan, Nāji, The Role of the Arab Tribes in the East during the Period of the Urnmayads, 40–132 A. H. (Baghdad: Baghdad University, 1978).Google Scholar

⁹ T¯mir, Arīf, Al-Qarārnita, asluhum, nasha'tuhum, Wa räzīikhuhum (Beirut, 1972);Google ScholarAlī, Sālihh b., Al-Tanzīmāt al-ijtimāíya wa-l-iqtisādīya fi-l-Basra (Baghdad, 1953);Google ScholarLewicki, T., “Ibadiya” in Lewis, B. et al (eds.) Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1970), III, 648–660.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Tizīnī, Tib, Mashrūal-ru'ya al-jadīda ilā-l-fikra 'al-arabīya fi-l-'asr al-wasīt (Damascus, 1971);Google ScholarMurūwwah, Husayn, Al-Nazā'āt al-maddīya fi-l-falsafa al-arabīya al-isl¯amīya (2 vols.; Beirut, 1979).Google Scholar

¹¹ Islamoglu, Huri, “Ottoman Agenda,” Review 5. 1 (1977).Google Scholar

¹² Islamic Roots of Capitalism: Egypt 1760–1840 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979), chap. 1.Google Scholar