Author's note: I thank Peter Sluglett, Alp Yenen, Murat Kaya, Alex Balistreri, Eyal Ginio, Jeffrey Culang, and the anonymous IJMES reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions.

¹ See Kayalı, Hasan, Arabs and Young Turks: Ottomanism, Arabism, and Islamism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908–1918 (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1997)Google Scholar; Philliou, Christine, “The Paradox of Perceptions: Interpreting the Ottoman Past through the National Present,” Middle Eastern Studies 44 (2008): 661–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Blumi, Isa, Reinstating the Ottomans: Alternative Balkan Modernities, 1800–1912 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reynolds, Michael, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and Russian Empires 1908–1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Campos, Michelle U., Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2011)Google Scholar; Kechriotis, Vangelis, “On the Margins of National Historiography: The Greek İttihatçı Emmanouil Emmanouilidis—Opportunist or Ottoman Patriot?,” in Untold Histories of the Middle East: Recovering Voices from the 19th and 20th Centuries, ed. Singer, Amy, Neumann, Christoph K., and Somel, Selçuk Akşin (London: Routledge, 2011), 124–42Google Scholar; Cohen, Julia Phillips, “Between Civic and Islamic Ottomanism: Jewish Imperial Citizenship in the Hamidian Era,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 44 (2012): 237–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Öztan, Ramazan Hakkı, “Nationalism in Function: ‘Rebellions’ in the Ottoman Empire and Narratives in Its Absence,” in War and Collapse: World War I and the Ottoman State, ed. Yavuz, H. and Ahmad, Feroz (Salt Lake City, Utah: University of Utah Press, 2016), 161–202 Google Scholar.

² Wimmer, Andreas and Schiller, Nina Glick, “Methodological Nationalism and Beyond: Nation-State Building, Migration, and the Social Sciences,” Global Networks 2 (2002): 301–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ For an alternative to teleology in imperial frameworks, see Comisso, Ellen, “Empires as Prisons of Nations versus Empires as Political Opportunity Structures: An Exploration of the Role of Nationalism in Imperial Dissolutions in Europe,” in Empire to Nation: Historical Perspectives on the Making of the Modern World, ed. Esherick, Joseph, Kayali, Hasan, and Young, Eric Van (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 138–66Google Scholar.

⁴ Cleveland, William L., Islam against the West: Shakib Arslan and the Campaign for Islamic Nationalism (Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 1985), 24 Google Scholar.

⁵ The following is a suggestive but not comprehensive list of works that have consolidated this narrative: Toprak, Zafer, Türkiye'de Ekonomi ve Toplum: Milli İktisat - Milli Burjuvazi (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 1995), 4–5 Google Scholar; Ülker, Erol, “Contextualising ‘Turkification’: Nation-Building in the Late Ottoman Empire, 1908–18,” Nations and Nationalism 11 (2005): 613–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Köroğlu, Erol, Ottoman Propaganda and Turkish Identity (London: I.B.Tauris, 2007), 47–48 Google Scholar; Aksakal, Mustafa, The Ottoman Road to War in 1914: The Ottoman Empire and the First World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Adanır, Fikret, “Non-Muslims in the Ottoman Army and the Ottoman Defeat in the Balkan War of 1912–1913,” in A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire, ed. Grigor Suny, Ronald, Göçek, Fatma Müge, and Naimark, Norman M. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 113–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Özkan, Behlül, From the Abode of Islam to the Turkish Vatan: The Making of a National Homeland in Turkey (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2012), 65–69 Google Scholar; Reinkowski, Maurus, “Hapless Imperialists and Resentful Nationalists: Trajectories of Radicalization in the Late Ottoman Empire,” in Helpless Imperialists: Imperial Failure, Fear and Radicalization, ed. Reinkowski, Maurus and Thum, Gregor (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013), 47–67 Google Scholar; Yavuz, Hakan and Blumi, Isa, eds., War and Nationalism: The Balkan Wars, 1912–1913, and their Sociopolitical Implications (Salt Lake City, Utah: University of Utah Press, 2013)Google Scholar; Kieser, Hans-Lukas, Öktem, Kerem, and Reinkowski, Maurus, eds., World War I and the End of the Ottomans: From the Balkan Wars to the Armenian Genocide (London: I.B.Tauris, 2015)Google Scholar; and Uzer, Umut, An Intellectual History of Turkish Nationalism: Between Turkish Ethnicity and Islamic Identity (Salt Lake City, Utah: University of Utah Press, 2016)Google Scholar.

⁶ This literature was certainly subject to healthy attempts at revisionism through which scholars have concluded that Ottoman patriotism became less secular after the defeat. Hasan Kayalı, for instance, has argued that secular Ottomanism became increasingly Islamist after the Balkan Wars as the CUP began to promote “Islam as the main pillar of its ideology”; Kayalı, Arabs and Young Turks, 142. Erik Jan Zürcher has similarly pointed out that the Ottoman defeat led to the rise of what one may frame as a “Muslim nationalism”; Zürcher, “The Vocabulary of Muslim Nationalism,” International Journal of the Sociology of Language 137 (1999): 81–92. Yet, I see such analytic approaches to the postwar context as equally problematic because they highlight a form of liminal identity that still anticipates the inevitable emergence of nationalism.

⁷ For challenges to this traditional mode of interpretation that inform the present study, see Yektan Türkyılmaz, “Rethinking Genocide: Violence and Victimhood in Eastern Anatolia, 1913–1915” (PhD diss., Duke University, 2011), 41–116; Boyar, Ebru, “The Impact of the Balkan Wars on Ottoman History Writing: Searching for a Soul,” Middle East Critique 23 (2014):147–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ginio, Eyal, The Ottoman Culture of Defeat: The Balkan Wars and Their Aftermath (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ One of the master texts of this Unionist genre is Talat Pasha's postwar memoir. See Bolayır, Enver, ed., Talat Paşa'nın Hatıraları (Istanbul: Güven Yayınevi, 1946)Google Scholar.

⁹ Naturally, this narrative of defeat could be seen as the extension of the notorious “decline thesis” in Ottoman historiography. See Quataert, Donald, “Ottoman History Writing and Changing Attitudes Towards the Notion of ‘Decline,’” History Compass 1 (2003): 1–10 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Sajdi, Dana, “Decline, Its Discontents and Ottoman Cultural History: By Way of Introduction,” in Ottoman Tulips, Ottoman Coffee: Leisure and Lifestyle in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sajdi, Dana (London: I.B.Tauris, 2007), 1–40 Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Aydemir goes on to frame World War I as an opportunity that taught him more about Anatolia, the real Turkish homeland. Aydemir, Şevket Süreyya, Suyu Arayan Adam (Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 1967), 54 Google Scholar.

¹¹ See Çalışlar, İzzettin, On Yıllık Savaşın Günlüğü: Balkan, Birinci Dünya ve İstiklal Savaşları, ed. Görgülü, İsmet and Çalışlar, İzzeddin (Istanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 1997)Google Scholar. One should note that if Aydemir's work and Çalışlar's historicization have set the teleological parameters of the existing literature, Zafer Tarık Tunaya's magnum opus has provided many of the quotations regularly referenced in the existing historiography; Tunaya, Türkiye'de Siyasal Partiler, vol. 3, İttihat ve Terakki Bir Çağın, Bir Kuşağın, Bir Partinin Tarihi (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2000 [1952]), 555–88.

¹² Philliou, Christine, “When the Clock Strikes Twelve: The Inception of an Ottoman Past in Early Republican Turkey,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 31 (2011): 174 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ White, Hayden, Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 83 Google Scholar.

¹⁴ For a generic example, see Cagaptay, Soner, Islam, Secularism and Nationalism in Modern Turkey: Who is a Turk? (London: Routledge, 2006), 6–7 Google Scholar.

¹⁵ White, Tropics of Discourse, 84.

¹⁶ Atay, Falih Rıfk, Batış Yılları (Istanbul: Dünya Matbaası, 1963), 52–53 Google Scholar; Mahmud Muhtar, Balkan Harbi: Üçunçü Kolordu'nun ve İkinci Doğu Ordusuʾnun Muharebleri (Istanbul: Tercüman, 1979), 187–88; Cemal, Hüseyin, Yeni Harb: Başımıza Tekrar Gelenler: Edirne Harbi, Muhasarası, Esaret ve Esbab-ı Felaket, ed. Korkmaz, Aziz (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2014), 65 Google Scholar.

¹⁷ The European territories constituted the second most important region after Anatolia in terms of tax revenue. Alexander Parvus, “Köylüler ve Devlet,” Türk Yurdul (1998): 148.

¹⁸ Tetik, Ahmet, ed., Sofya Askeri Ataşesi Mustafa Kemal'in Raporları (Kasım 1913–Kasım 1914) (Ankara: Genelkurmay Basımevi, 2007), 20–22 Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Blumi, Isa, Ottoman Refugees, 1878–1939: Migration in a Post-Imperial World (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013), 3 Google Scholar.

²⁰ We lack reliable statistics on the exact number of refugees from the Ottoman Balkans. The Ottoman records suggest that a little over 400,000 Balkan Muslims were resettled in the Ottoman interior from 1912 to 1920; McCarthy, Justin, Death and Exile: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ottoman Muslims, 1821–1922 (Princeton, N.J.: Darwin Press, 1995), 161 Google Scholar. For a detailed account of the assistance given to the refugees by various agencies and charities, see Halaçoğlu, Ahmet, Balkan Harbi Sırasında Rumeli'den Türk Göçleri, 1912–1913 (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1994), 79–94 Google Scholar.

²¹ Birinci, Ali, Hürriyet ve İtilaf Fırkası: II. Meşrutiyet Devrinde İttihat ve Terakki'ye Karşı Çıkanlar (Istanbul: Dergah Yayınları, 1990), 161–203 Google Scholar.

²² Bloxham, Donald, “The Armenian Genocide of 1915–1916: Cumulative Radicalization and the Development of a Destruction Policy,” Past & Present 181 (2003): 150 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Akçam, Taner, From Empire to Republic: Turkish Nationalism and the Armenian Genocide (London: Zed Books, 2004), 65–67 Google Scholar; Kurt, Ümit and Gürpınar, Doğan, “The Balkan Wars and the Rise of the Reactionary Modernist Utopia in Young Turk Thought and the Journal Türk Yurdu ,” Nations and Nationalism 21 (2015): 350. For a critique, see Türkyılmaz, “Rethinking Genocide,” 13–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ Gelvin, James L., Divided Loyalties: Nationalism and Mass Politics in Syria at the Close of Empire (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1998), 142 Google Scholar.

²⁴ Ginio, The Ottoman Culture of Defeat, 14.

²⁵ On the emergence of women's societies in the postwar era, see Serpil Atamaz, “Fighting on Two Fronts: The Balkan Wars and the Struggle for Women's Rights in Ottoman Turkey,” in War and Nationalism, 303–10.

²⁶ Tunaya, Türkiye'de Siyasal Partiler, 3:583.

²⁷ Ali Nüzhet, Mirliva Mehmed, 1912 Balkan Harbinde Süvarinin Harekatı, Tayyare İstimali, Harb Tayyareciliği Hakkında Neşriyat-ı Esasiye, Osmanlı ve Düşman Süvarisinin Gördüğü Hidemat (Istanbul: Resimli Kitab Matbaası, 1331 [1912/13])Google Scholar; Yüzbaşı, Mehmed Arif, Balkan Harbinde Makineli Tüfenkler (Istanbul: 1329 [1911])Google Scholar; Suad, Yüzbaşı Ahmed, Balkan Darü’l Harbine Dair Tedkikat-ı Coğrafiye ve Mütala'at-ı Sevkü’l-Ceyşiyye (Dersaadet: Mühendishane-i Berri-i Hümayun Matbaası, 1330 [1911/12])Google Scholar.

²⁸ Köroğlu, Ottoman Propaganda, 49. See also Çetinkaya, Y. Doğan, “Illustrated Atrocity: Stigmatization of Non-Muslims through Images in the Ottoman Empire during the Balkan Wars,” Journal of Modern European History 12 (2014): 460–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Çetinkaya, “Atrocity Propaganda and the Nationalization of the Masses in the Ottoman Empire during the Balkan Wars (1912–13),” International Journal of Middle East Studies 46 (2014): 759–78.

²⁹ Hochwächter's, Gustav von Mit den Türkei in der Front im Stabe Mahmud Muchtar Paschas (Berlin: Mittler, 1913)Google Scholar was translated as Türklerle Harbe (Istanbul: Hürriyet Matbaası, 1331 [1913]), and Ashmead-Bartlett's, Ellis With the Turks in Thrace (London: n.p., 1913)Google Scholar was translated as Esbab-ı Hezimet ve Felaketimiz (Istanbul: Kitaphane-yi İslam ve Askeri, 1329 [1913/14]).

³⁰ For a bibliography of publications in Ottoman Turkish on the Balkan Wars, including these memoirs, see Eren, İsmail, “Balkan Savaşına Ait Türkçe Eserler Üzerine Bibliyografya Denemesi,” İ.Ü. Tarih Dergisi 27 (1973): 111–22Google Scholar.

³¹ Conk, Cemil, Hatıraları: Balkan Harbi, 1912–13, Canlı Tarihler Series (Istanbul: Türkiye Basımevi, 1947), 9–14 Google Scholar; von Hochwächter, Gustav, Balkan Savaşı Günlüğü: Türklerle Cephede, trans. Sumru Toydemir (Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları, 2007), 60–67 Google Scholar; von der Goltz, Colmar Freiherr, “Causes of the Late Turkish Defeat,” Infantry Journal 9 (1913): 730–32Google Scholar. For a well-rounded account, see Nezir-Akmeşe, Handan, The Birth of Modern Turkey: The Ottoman Military and the March to WWI (London: I.B.Tauris, 2005), 124–32Google Scholar.

³² Muhtar, Mahmud, Balkan Harbi, 180 Google Scholar.

³³ Feroze Yasamee, “Armies Defeated before They Took the Field? The Ottoman Mobilization of October 1912,” in War and Nationalism, 258–64.

³⁴ Rıza Nur, Hayat ve Hatıratım, ed. Hasan Babacan and Servet Avşar (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2014), 2:385. The Unionists deeply disliked Nazım Pasa and saw him as responsible for the defeat. Bey, Mehmed Cavid, Meşrutiyet Ruznamesi (Istanbul: Altındağ Yayinevi, 1967), 1:547–48Google Scholar.

³⁵ One of the best examples of these factional accounts is the memoir by Ahmet Reşit (Rey), the Minister of Interior in late 1912 and early 1913. For Rey, the CUP was the prime cause of the defeat in the Balkan Wars, due to a range of policies adopted by the Unionists since 1908. See Rey, Ahmet Reşit, Gördüklerim—Yaptıklarım (1890–1922), Canlı Tarihler Series (Istanbul: Türkiye Yayınevi, 1945), 147–66Google Scholar.

³⁶ Ali Fethi (Okyar) was one such officer who published his own account in response to the account by Ali İhsan (Sabis). See Fethi, Ali, Bolayır Muharebesinde Adem-i Muvaffakiyetin Esbabı (Istanbul: Matbaa-i Hayriye ve Şürekası, 1330 [1914])Google Scholar.

³⁷ Doğan Akyaz, “The Legacy and Impacts of the Defeat in the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 on the Psychological Makeup of the Turkish Officer Corps,” in War and Nationalism, 740–42.

³⁸ Mehmed Cavid Bey, Meşrutiyet Ruznamesi, 1:479–80.

³⁹ Paşa, Abdullah, Balkan Savaşı Hatıratı ve Mahmut Muhtar Paşa'nın Cevabı, trans. Hülya Toker, Sema Demirtaş, and Mustafa Toker (Istanbul: Alfa, 2912), 22–23 Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ İzzettin Çalışlar, On Yıllık Savaşın Günlüğü, 31–32.

⁴¹ Nur, Rıza, Hayat ve Hatıratım (Istanbul: Altındağ Yayınevi, 1967), 2:391Google Scholar.

⁴² Zürcher, Erik J., Turkey: A Modern History (New York: I.B.Tauris, 2004), 102–3Google Scholar.

⁴³ Mehmed Cavid Bey, Meşrutiyet Ruznamesi, 1:492.

⁴⁴ Atay, Falih Rıfkı, Zeytindağı, 3rd ed. (Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 1943), 25 Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Bolayır, , Talat Paşa'nın Hatıraları, 17–18 Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See Seyfettin, Ömer, Balkan Harbi Hatıraları (Istanbul: Dün Bugün Yarın Yayınları, 2011), 142–52Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Rıza Nur, Hayat ve Hatıratım, 2:387–88.

⁴⁸ Çağdaş Sümer, “What Did the Albanians Do? Postwar Disputes on Albanian Attitudes,” in War and Nationalism, 731–35.

⁴⁹ Gülsoy, Ufuk, Osmanlı Gayrimüslimlerinin Askerlik Serüveni (Istanbul: Simurg, 2000), 162–64Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Mahmud Muhtar, Balkan Harbi, 166.

⁵¹ Hüseyin Cemal, Yeni Harb¸ 38–39.

⁵² Adanır, Fikret, “Non-Muslims in the Ottoman Army and the Ottoman Defeat in the Balkan War of 1912–1913,” in A Question of Genocide, 120–23Google Scholar.

⁵³ Okday, İsmail Hakk, Yanya'dan Ankara'ya (Istanbul: Sebil Yayınevi, 1975), 114 Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Hüseyin Cemal, Yeni Harb¸ 83–84. Emphasis added. Yet, just like many other accounts of the Ottoman defeat, Hüseyin Cemal's memoirs provide many self-contradictory statements none of which should be interpreted as final.

⁵⁵ Campos, Ottoman Brothers, 125, 134.

⁵⁶ Phillips Cohen, Becoming Ottomans, 134–35.

⁵⁷ Mehmed Akif Bey, “Hutbe ve Mev'ize,” Sebilürreşad, Aded 48-230, Cild 9-2, 24 Kanun-u Sani 1328, 374.

⁵⁸ Ginio, Eyal, “Mobilizing the Ottoman Nation during the Balkan Wars (1912–1913): Awakening from the Ottoman Dream,” War in History 12 (2005): 173–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Bey, Satı, Vatan için Beş Konferans (Dersaadet: Kader Matbaası, 1329), 3–5, 24Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Ibid., 25–28.

⁶¹ Such debates took place between Süleyman Nazif and Ahmed Ağaoğlu in 1913, and between Ali Kemal and Yusuf Akçura in 1914. See Kara, İsmail, “Osmanlıcılarla Türkçüler Arasında bir Milliyetçilik Tartışması,” Tarih ve Toplum 30 (1986): 57–59 Google Scholar.

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⁶³ Akçuraoğlu Yusuf, “Türklük Şuunu,” Türk Yurdu 1 (1998): 45–46.

⁶⁴ Aksakal, The Ottoman Road to War, 36–38.

⁶⁵ Ginio, “Mobilizing the Ottoman,” 173–74; Cengiz Yolcu, “Depiction of the Enemy: Ottoman Propaganda Books in the Balkan Wars of 1912–13” (Master's thesis, Boğaziçi Üniversitesi, 2014), 98–101.

⁶⁶ Moul, Johns, Londra Konferansındaki Meselelerden: Anadolu'da Türkiye Yaşayacak mı? Yaşamayacak mı?, trans. Habil Adem (Dersaadet: İkbal Kütüphanesi, n.d.), 11, 15Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Ahin, Mustafa, “Habil Adem ya da Nam-ı Diğer Naci İsmail (Pelister) Hakkında,” Toplumsal Tarih 2 (1994): 6–14, 8Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Atay, Zeytindağı, 30.

⁶⁹ Boyar, Ebru, Ottomans, Turks and the Balkans: Empire Lost, Relations Altered (London: I.B.Tauris, 2007), 146 Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ One should note that none of the examples brought forth by the authors actually prove their point; Kurt and Gürpınar, “The Balkan Wars and the Rise of the Reactionary Modernist Utopia,” 353.

⁷¹ Akçam, Taner, The Young Turks’ Crime against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2012), xiv–xvGoogle Scholar.

⁷² As “evidence,” Dündar quotes some rumors that the likes of Talat Bey campaigned among the Ottoman soldiers to abandon the front during the Balkan Wars. Dündar also asks some piercing questions: Why did the Unionists not quit the ongoing war effort in Tripolitania and rush to the Balkan front right after the start of hostilities? Why had Enver Bey reconquered only as far as Adrianople but not any farther in the second round of the conflict? Dündar, Modern Türkiye'nin Şifresi, 57–64.

⁷³ Scholars often tend to evoke the notion of a “return to Anatolia” in pinning down a linear development of genocidal ideology and policy. This approach is often the result of what is called “escalation bias” in genocide scholarship. See Türkyılmaz, “Rethinking Genocide,” 15.

⁷⁴ Edib, Halide, Turkey Faces West: A Turkish View of Recent Changes and their Origin (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1930), 109. Emphasis addedGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁵ Özkan, From the Abode of Islam, 94–98.

⁷⁶ Falih Rıfkı Atay, Zeytindağı, 139.

⁷⁷ Ibid., 119.

⁷⁸ Aydemir, Suyu Arayan Adam, 107–8. In doing so, Aydemir weaved together a range of disparate threads of what one may call “Anatolianism.” See Atabay, Mithat, “Anadoluculuk,” in Modern Türkiye'de Siyasi Düşünce, ed. Bora, Tanıl, vol. 4, Milliyetçilik (Istanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2002), 515–32Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Kushner, David, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism, 1876–1908 (London: Frank Cass, 1977), 52–53 Google Scholar.

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⁸¹ Nezir-Akmeşe, The Birth of Modern Turkey, 27. On the genealogy of the notion of a Turkish–Arab partnership, see Alp Yenen, “The Austro-Hungarian Model and Turkish–Arab Relations in Late Ottoman History” (a paper presented at the conference “Collapse of Ottoman and Austria–Hungarian Empires: Patterns and Legacies,” Vienna, Austria, 16–17 January 2014).

⁸² Nezir-Akmeşe, The Birth of Modern Turkey, 66–67.

⁸³ Akçura, Yusuf [Akçura oğlu Yusuf], Üç Tarzı Siyaset, Ali Kemal'in Buna Cevabı ile Ahmed Ferid'in Aynı Mevzua Dair bir Mektubunu da Havidir (Istanbul: Matbaa-i Kader, 1911), 16 Google Scholar.

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⁸⁶ For detailed information on Akçura's political initiatives in Russia, see David S. Thomas, “The Life and Thought of Yusuf Akçura (1876–1935)” (PhD diss., McGill University, 1976), 72–80.

⁸⁷ Ahmed Ferid, “Bir Mektup,” in Akçura, Üç Tarz-ı Siyaset, 64.

⁸⁸ Tunaya, Tarık Zafer, Türkiye'de Siyasal Partiler, vol. 1, İkinci Meşrutiyet Dönemi (Istanbul: Hürriyet Vakfı Yayınları, 1988), 351–52Google Scholar.

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⁹⁴ On the Rumelian origins of the Young Turks, see Erik Jan Zürcher, “The Balkan Wars and the Refugee Leadership of the Early Turkish Republic,” in War and Nationalism, 665–78.

⁹⁵ Mehmed Cavid Bey, Meşrutiyet Ruznamesi, 1:521.

⁹⁶ Hüseyin Cemal, Yeni Harb¸ 88–89.

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¹⁰¹ Nick Danforth, “İntikam: Revenge 1914,” The Afternoon Map: A Cartography Blog, accessed 1 April 2016, http://www.midafternoonmap.com/2013/01/intikam-revenge-1914-this-map-courtesy.html.

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¹¹² Geertz, Clifford, review of Engineers of Happy Land: Technology and Nationalism in a Colony , by Rudolf Mrázek, American Anthropologist 106 (2004): 420 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹¹³ See Ertunç Denktaş, “Ayastefanos Rus Anıtı (1898–1914)” (Master's thesis, İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi, 2011).

¹¹⁴ The defeat in 1878 was in many ways similar to the one in 1912, for it also resulted in massive influx of Muslim refugees into the Ottoman Empire topped off with significant territorial losses and a heavy war indemnity that wrecked the Ottoman finances. Although such facts easily avail themselves to a tragic narrative, they should caution us to the narrative function of these cycles of defeat and the motific repetitions readily deployed by historians. In discussing the legacy of the defeat in 1878, for instance, the existing scholarship often notes that the war made the Ottomans a more Asian and Muslim empire, thereby situating the Ottoman defeat in 1877–78 within a broader tragic narrative. See, for instance, Fortna, Benjamin C., “The Reign of Abdülhamid II,” in The Cambridge History of Turkey: Turkey in the Modern World, ed. Kasaba, Reşat (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 4:47Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Hasan Kayalı, “Ottoman and German Imperial Objectives in Syria during World War I: Synergies and Strains behind the Front Line,” in War and Collapse, 1118.

¹¹⁶ Arar, İsmail, Osmanlı Mebusan Meclisi Reisi Halil Menteşe'nin Anıları (Istanbul: Hürriyet Vakfı Yayınları, 1986), 182 Google Scholar. The Great Powers, fearful of Ottoman gains, had declared at the beginning of the hostilities that they would be the guarantors of the territorial status quo in the region, regardless of the actual result of the war. The Great Powers reneged on such promises, however, after the Ottoman defeat.

¹¹⁷ Kayalı, Arabs and Young Turks, 130.

¹¹⁸ Ronald Grigor Suny, “Writing Genocide: The Fate of the Ottoman Armenians,” in A Question of Genocide, 34.

¹¹⁹ Alp Yenen, “The Grand Vizier's Last Visit to Berlin: Young Turk Imperialism at the Eleventh Hour of World War I” (paper presented at the Second European Convention on Turkic, Ottoman, and Turkish Studies, 14–17 September 2016).

¹²⁰ See Zürcher, Erik Jan, “The Odd Man Out: Why Was There No Regime Change in the Ottoman Empire at the End of World War I?,” in Turkey between Nationalism and Globalization, ed. Riva Kastoryano (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013), 21–35 Google Scholar.

¹²¹ See Özoğlu, Hakan, From Caliphate to Secular State: Power Struggle in the Early Turkish Republic (Santa Barbara, Calif.: Praeger, 2011)Google Scholar; and Watenpaugh, Keith David, Being Modern in the Middle East: Revolution, Nationalism, Colonialism, and the Arab Middle Class (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006), 160–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²² Boyar, “The Impact of the Balkan Wars,” 150.