Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 July 2012
Notwithstanding its promotion as a vehicle for the decolonization and modernization of knowledge in Morocco, the policy of Arabization has been caught in an ongoing competition with the pedagogical visions of the French Protectorate—visions that have been recycled by nationalist and international development agendas. This competition has subtly classified the sciences and the humanities into Francophone and Arabophone disciplines, respectively, at a moment when national development is understood as technological advancement. School participants endure this linguistic, disciplinary, and, effectively, social hierarchy and put their awareness of the system at the service of its circumvention. The anxiety of teachers over the future of state-educated youth indicates that the legitimacy of the school itself has become highly doubted. This article approaches both the public school and its relationship to knowledge through a historically informed ethnographic lens, arguing that centralized theories of pedagogy, the sociological category of class, and the assumed dichotomy between state agendas and international patronage are unsatisfactory frames for the interpretation of the phenomena in question.
Author's note: The broader research from which this article emerges has been funded by the Princeton Institute for the Transregional Study of the Contemporary Middle East, North Africa & Central Asia, the Princeton Center for Migration and Development, the J. F. Coustopoulos Foundation, and the A. G. Leventis Foundation. My sincere thanks go to Abdellah Hammoudi, Lawrence Rosen, Carol Greenhouse, and Carolyn Rouse for their close reading and advice. I am indebted to Shana Cohen, Wolfgang Kraus, Michael Willis, Kristin Pfeifer, Barbara Goetsch, Claire Nicholas, and Cortney Hughes for their constructive comments on earlier versions of this work presented in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Austria. I have truly benefited from the suggestions put forward by the four anonymous IJMES reviewers, and I am grateful for their advice. I warmly thank the IJMES editorial team Beth Baron and Sara Pursley for their patient editing.
1 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The Road Not Traveled: Education Reform in the Middle East and North Africa (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2007), 3Google Scholar.
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3 After the World Bank report was made public, the Moroccan press openly deplored the “total failure of education in Morocco.” For example, see Brahim Mokhliss and Mohammed Zainabi, “La Faillite Totale de l'Enseignement au Maroc,” Le Reporter, 24 April 2008, 22–27.
4 Anthropological critiques of development discourse in the region have pointed out that such diagnostics is based on a specific designation of domains such as “education” or the “economy” as distinct and as devoid of historical and political context. See Mitchell, Timothy, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics and Modernity (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2002)Google Scholar; and Adely, Fida, “Educating Women for Development: The Arab Human Development Report 2005 and the Problem with Women's Choices,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 41 (2009): 105–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
5 It is customary to label contemporary written Arabic as Modern Standard Arabic. However, I am reluctant to use this term here because, in Morocco, both Classical and Modern Arabic are interchangeably referred to al-ʿarabiyya al-fuṣḥā or al-ʿarabiyya. Therefore, I resort to the term fuṣḥā, a terminological choice that is more relevant to language use on the ground and also revealing of the ambiguity of Arabization as the modern transformation of Classical Arabic. For a detailed discussion of this issue, see Haeri, Niloofar, “Form and Ideology: Arabic Sociolinguistics and Beyond,” Annual Review of Anthropology 29 (2000): 61–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Sacred Language, Ordinary People: Dilemmas of Culture and Politics in Egypt (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
6 One can notice an occasional surfacing of such issues in the newspaper al-Tajdid, mouthpiece of the moderate Islamic party Hizb al-ʿAdala wa-l-Tanmiyya. See Mohammed Belbashir, “Hiwarat: Taʿarib al-Taʿlim . . . Ajhada Thalath Marat Bal wa-Qublin Manqusan li-Takthir Khusumihi,” al-Tajdid, 25 January 2008, 3.
7 The present analysis draws upon extended ethnographic observations inside urban high schools. While I visited twenty high schools, I eventually focused on two. I followed the courses in the two main streams of concentration available to the students, sciences and humanities, and spent time with junior- and senior-year students as well as with teachers and inspectors. I also joined students outside the educational frame and traced the planning of their academic futures at home. This research was complemented by extended discussions with Moroccan academics and other scholars.
8 For in-depth explorations of these domains of educational disparity, see Wagner, Daniel A., Literacy, Culture and Development: Becoming Literate in Morocco (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; Agnaou, Fatima, Gender, Literacy and Empowerment in Morocco (New York: Routledge, 2004)Google Scholar; and Hoffman, Katherine E., We Share Walls: Language, Land and Gender in Berber Morocco (Oxford: Blackwell, 2008)Google Scholar.
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12 Both French and Arabic terminology exists for all educational levels, disciplinary tracks, and courses. In the urban schools where I conducted fieldwork, the two terms were used interchangeably.
13 All translations from French, fuṣḥā, or dārija are mine.
14 While Arabization imposed instruction in fuṣḥā, the Arabic register used in informal everyday speech is dārija. Moreover, a considerable part of the population is of Amazigh (Berber) origin; their vernacular language, with its regional variations (roughly divided into tarifit, tamazight, and tashelḥit), has undergone a process of standardization and official promotion. Since 2006, standardized Tamazight has been introduced into a number of primary schools in the country, not as language of instruction but as a subject. On the incorporation of Tamazight in public education, see Errihani, Mohammed, “Language Policy in Morocco: Problems and Prospects of Teaching Tamazight,” Journal of North African Studies 11 (2006): 143–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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36 Vermeren, École, Élite, Pouvoir, 388. The term ingénieur, as used in Morocco, does not solely refer to the profession of the engineer but to any applied scientist who has graduated from the Grandes Écoles Professionnelles or the Instituts des Hautes Études.
37 Mokhlis and Zainabi, “La Faillite Totale.”
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41 During the academic year 2006/2007, the course weighting for French for the scientific branch was six. During the year 2007/2008, the course weighting dropped to four, while Arabic remained at two. Wizarat al-Tarbiya wa-l-Takwin, “Mudhakira Raqm 43, Tanzim al-Dirasa bi-l-Taʿlim al-Thanawi 2006–2007,” al-Mamlaka al-Maghribiyya. I am grateful to the central Regional Academy of the Rabat-Salé-Zemmour-Zaïr for providing me with this report.
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47 At the time of writing this article, the currency exchange rate between Moroccan dirham and the U.S. dollar was 1:8.19.
48 A foreign textbook cost about 300 dhm, compared to a public school textbook ranging from 48 dhm to 56 dhm.
49 For the financial arrangements of the msid, see Daniel Wagner, Literacy, Culture and Development, 42.
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