¹ Thorough studies are yet to be done on the period between the Mongol invasion and the fall of the Seljuks and the rise of the Ottoman Empire, the period that is customarily referred to as Beylikler Devri or The Period of Principalities.

² The term ‘Iran’ is used here with reference to the cultural area rather than to presentday political borders.

³ Among the primary sources on the period between approximately 1243 and 1325 are the historians Bibi, Ibn, Die Seltschuken Geschichte, trans. Duda, H. W. (Copenhagen:Munksgaard, 1959),Google Scholar and Mahmud Askarayi, Kerimüddin, Müsameret ül-Ahbar, MoĚollar Zamamnda Türkiye Selçuklulari Tarihi, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarindan, III. Ser., no. I, ed. and trans. Turan, O. (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kumuru Basimevi, 1944),Google Scholar who is less known but who wrote at a slightly later date than Ibn Bibi. Another source book, on a different level, is Eflaki, Ahmed, Ariflerin Menkibeleri, 2 vols., trans. Tahsin Yazici (2nd. ed.; Istanbul: Milli Eğitim Basimevi, 1964).Google Scholar

⁴ Of some 200 mausoleums dating from the twelfth to the fourteenth century in Anatolia, only about 15 can firmly be dated to the period before 1250. See Bates, ü. ü., ‘The Anatolian Mausoleum of the Twelfth, Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries’, Ph.D. diss. (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1970).Google Scholar

⁵ The functions of commemorative buildings, mausoleums among them, are explored by Grabar, O., ‘The Earliest Islamic Commemorative Structures: Notes and Documents,’ Ars Orientalis, 6 (1966), 7–46.Google Scholar

⁶ For an insightful and competent discussion, see Grabar, O., ‘The Symbolic Appropriation of the Land,’ The Formation of Islamic Art (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1973), pp. 45–74.Google Scholar

⁷ Bates, ü. ü., ‘An Introduction to the Study of the Anatolian Türbe and Its Inscriptions as Historical Documents,’ Sanat Tarihi Yilliği (Istanbul, 1970–1971), IV, 79.Google Scholar

⁸ An example is Gök Medrese, Amasya (1266), published in Aslanpa, O., Turkish Art and Architecture (New York and Washington: Praeger Publishers, 1971), p1. 74.Google Scholar

⁹ The so-called Turkish triangles are seen outside around the drum section of the mausoleum of Hasan Bek (Güdük Minare) in Sivas (1347), published in Ibid., pl. 122. For similar triangles found along the zone of transition within a building, see Yeşil Cami, İznik (1378–1392), published in Goodwin, G., A History of Ottoman Architecture (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971), pl. 10.Google Scholar

¹⁰ An example from the Seljuk period in Anatolia is the Karatay Medrese in Konya; apart from the central courtyard covered with a large spherical dome, smaller side rooms between the eyvans are also domed. The Karatay Medrese is still a sprawling building however, and even the large dome does not dominate its exterior appearance. The importance of the dome in the early Ottoman architecture is pointed out by Arel, A., ‘Bati Anadolu'dan Birkaç Yapinin Tarihlendirilmesi ye XV. yüzyil Osmanli Mimarisi Hakkinda’, Anadolu Sanatt Araṣtirmalari (Istanbul, 1970), 11, 82–104.Google Scholar

¹¹ One of the grandest and earliest porches to be found in early Ottoman architecture is the son cemaat yeri of the Mosque of Yildirim Beyazit I in Bursa (1390–1395), published in Goodwin, , A History of Ottoman Architecture, p1. 25.Google Scholar

¹² Windows are distinct features of exterior walls in the Islamic architecture of Syria, Egypt, and Ottoman Turkey. On the other hand, Iranian architecture does not generally favor windows. One of the most spectacular facades in early Ottoman architecture displaying large windows on two stories is the Yesil Cami in Bursa (1412–1424), published in Aslanapa, , Turkish Art and Architecture, p1. 145.Google Scholar

¹³ The mausoleum of Candarli Hayrettin Paşa at İznik (1387) is a good example of buildings with colorful wall texture. The same mausoleum displays two imposing domes of dissimilar sizes. Published in Goodwin, , A History of Ottoman Architecture, p1. 63.Google Scholar

¹⁴ A band of muqarnas motifs frame the entrance of the porch in the Yeşil Cami at lznik. Published in Aslanapa, , Turkish Art and Architecture, p1. 137.Google Scholar

¹⁵ For further discussion of this point, see: Köprüiü, M. F., Osmanli Devletinin Kuruluşu (2nd ed.; Ankara: Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Faküitesi Yayinlan, 1959).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Akdağ, M., Türkiye'nin Iktisadi ve Ictimai Tarihi (1243–1453) (Ankara, 1959), I, 77ff.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Vryonis, Speros Jr, The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), esp. pp. 145–155.Google Scholar

¹⁸ The Ahi organization emerges as the most vigilant religious—militaristic brotherhood. This organization certainly takes credit in the strengthening of the Ottoman state.

¹⁹ The respect shown to the caliphs by the Seljuk sultans of Iran is exemplified on the occasion of the marriage between Sultan Tuğrul and a daughter of the Caliph m 1603. The Seljuk sultan is reported to have kissed the ground in front of his wife out of respect to her father (Köymen, M. A., Selçuklu Devri Türk Tarihi [Ankara: Ayyildiz Matbaasi, 1963], p. 193).Google Scholar The khatibs in Seljuk Anatolia mentioned the names of the caliphs after the name of the prophet but before that of the ruling Seljuk sultan (Turan, O., Türkiye Selçuklulari Hakkmda Resmi Vesikalar, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlarndan, VII, Ser. no. 32 [Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1958], p. 181, document 31b).Google Scholar

²⁰ Köprülü, M. F., Türk Edebiyatmda İlk Mutasavviflar (2nd ed.; Ankara: Diyanet Işleri Başbakanlik Yayinlari, 1966), p. 243.Google Scholar

²¹ Contacts between Iran and Ottoman Turkey seem to have started anew in the fifteenth century, resulting in artistic activities exemplified by the Green Mosque in Bursa (built between 1412 and 1424) and the Blue Mosque in Tabriz, built during the reign of Jahan Shah of the Türkmen—Akkoyunlu state (1465). Both mosques share the so-called inverted T plan, and brilliant blue and green tiles. The Blue Mosque in Tabriz is among the few Iranian mosques that do not have a central courtyard but instead the corresponding space is covered with an imposing dome; it is a curious building that borrows both from Iranian and Anatolian architecture, and deserves a study in the context of Türkmen—Akkoyunlu history.

²² Rogers, J. M., ‘Recent Work on Seljuq Anatolia,’ Kunst des Orients, 6, 2 (1969), 149.Google Scholar

²³ Uzuncarşili, I. H., Anadolu Beylikleri ve Akkoyunlu, Karakoyunlu Devletleri, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayinlanndan, VIII, ser. sa. 2a (2nd ed.; Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi, 1969), p. 55 and passim.Google Scholar

²⁴ Hoag, J. D., Western Islamic Architecture (New York: John Braziller, 1963), p. 47.Google Scholar