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Dar al-Islam: The Evolution of Muslim Territoriality and Its Implications for Conflict Resolution in the Middle East

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Manoucher Parvin
Affiliation:
University of Akron
Maurie Sommer
Affiliation:
Columbia University

Extract

Conflict and conflagration are not unique to the Middle East. Rare is the region where, at some point in history, disparate peoples have not clashed and killed. Attempts to assert primacy, when unsuccessful, have often led to periods of retrenching. When successful, postures of victory are precarious, subject to the transient recuperation of the vanquished.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1980

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References

NOTES

1 al-Ghul, Mahmoud A., “The Doctrine of Dar al-Islam and Its Relevance to Arab Nationalism,” lecture delivered at the Middle East Institute of Columbia University, 11 September 1973.Google Scholar

2 See, e.g., Prescott, J. R. V., The Geography of Frontiers and Boundaries (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1965).Google Scholar

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6 As distinct from the ever-growing organic state predicted originally by Ratzel, Friedrich (Politische Geographie, [Berlin: 1897]).Google Scholar

7 Encyclopedia of Islam 2d ed.; (London: Luzac and Co., 1960), s.v. dar al-Islam, p. 127.Google Scholar

8 The date or source in which the phrase first appeared is not known but chronology is not in any event an issue here.

9 Khadduri, Majid, War and Peace in the Law of Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1955), p. 46;Google Scholar italics added.

10 Cited in von Grunebaum, G. E., “Islam: Its Inherent Power of Expansion and Adaptation,” in Modern Islam: The Search for Cultural Identity (New York: Vintage Books, 1964), p. 1. See, of course, the works of Joseph Schacht.Google Scholar

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13 Hazm, Ibn, Kitāb al-Fasl fī al-Milal wa'l-Ahwā wa'l Nihal (Cairo: 1321/1901), IV, 135;Google ScholarRushd, Ibn, Kitab al-Muqaddimāt al-Mumahhidāt (Cairo: 1325/1906), II, 259.Google Scholar

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19 Note that here church is used in its generic sense for religion.

20 The oldest fixed boundary in the Middle East, the Turko-Persian border, was established–and none too precisely–by the Treaty of Zuhab in 1639. See: Harari, Maurice, “The Turco-Persian Boundary Question: A Case Study in Boundary Making in the Near and Middle East,” Ph.D. diss. (New York: Columbia University, 1958).Google Scholar

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23 E.g., the Gypsies, nomads all, constitute a tribe (or a number of tribes, depending on the level of analysis) whereas, e.g., the Cheyenne tribesmen were (before ca. 1830) in no sense nomads.

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26 Quoted in Gardet, , La cité musulmane, p. 216.Google Scholar This point, although intuitively appealing, is not universally accepted.

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30 Gardet, , La cité musulmane, p. 110.Google Scholar

31 Pere Lammens, quoted in Armanazi, Najib, L'Islam et le droit international (Paris: Librairie Picart, 1929), p. 18. Here we are not concerned with historical generalities but with historical specificity of dar al-Islam.Google Scholar

32 Qu'ran 14:40.

33 That such facets may have subtle economic affinities is not denied; yet, even such considerations as conditions and nature of ownership and financial pressures, which seem blatantly economic, reflect, most often, the interplay of other activities (population pressures, social structure, etc).

34 Hamidullah, Muhammad, Muslim Conduct of State (Lahore: Sh. Mohammad Ashraf, 1968), p. 84.Google Scholar

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36 Gardet, , La cité musulmane, p. 19.Google Scholar

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39 See Fenwick, Charles Ghequiere, International Law (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1948), p. 105.Google Scholar

40 Khaldun, Ibn, The Muqaddimah, I., 473.Google Scholar

41 Khadduri, , War and Peace, p. 157.Google Scholar

42 See Miquel, , La géographie humaine.Google Scholar

43 Hudud al-Alam, the Regions of the World: A Persian Geography, trans. Minorsky, V., Gibb, E. J. W. Memorial Series, n.s., XI, (Oxford: University Press, 1937), p. 82.Google Scholar

44 Hudud, p. 82.

45 Ibid., p. 30.

46 Strabo, , The Geography of Strabo, trans. Hamilton, H. C. and Falconer, W., Vol. I (London: Bohn, 1854).Google Scholar

47 See Von Grunebaum, , “The Problem of Cultural Influence,” in Modern Islam: The Search for Cultural Identity,” pp. 1939.Google Scholar

48 Hudud, p. 81.

49 The Hudud, it should be noted, is an admittedly derivative work—”…we shall explain…so far as we could find these details in the books of our predecessors or hear reports about them…” (p. 83)—and, therefore, this sense of regionalization with dar al-Islam may be understood to have been observed even during preceding centuries.

50 Hamidullah, , Muslim Conduct of State, p. 106.Google Scholar

51 Miquel, , La géographie humaine, p. 77.Google Scholar

52 Gibb, H. A. R., “Arab-Byzantine Relations under the Umayyad Caliphate,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 12 (1958), 219233.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

53 Quoted in Gardet, , La cité musulmane; p. 155,Google Scholar author's translation.

54 Muqaddimah, I, 328. The statement must be modified to the extent that some of the eastern Islamic states at times recruited foreign mercenaries.

55 “…liberty and justice for all.”

56 Shaybani, , The Islamic Law of Nations, p. 65.Google Scholar

57 von Grunebaum, , “Islam: Its Inherent Power,” p. 10.Google Scholar

58 See Zeleny, Milan, “Conflict Dissolution,” General Systems, 21 (1976), 131136,Google Scholar for a comparison of resolution and dissolution of conflict and a study of “prominent alternatives.” Our conclusions here resemble some of his theoretical derivations.

59 See, e.g., Gale, Stephen, “On the Design of a Semiotic Theory of Conflict Resolution,” Papers of the Peace Science Society (International), 25 (1975), 7583.Google Scholar

60 See Daher, Adel, “Current Trends in Arab Intellectual Thought,” Research Program on Economic and Political Problems and Prospects in the Middle East (Rand Corporation Resources for the Future: RM-5979-FF, 1969).Google Scholar