¹ Der Islam, Vol. I (Hamburg, 1910), pp. 1–23.Google Scholar

² We have to take into account that the teaching about Islam as a whole did not find a classically complete expression in Becker's work. He did not concentrate his ideas in any single paper but scattered them in a multitude of articles, books, reviews, different in importance, length, and form. Besides, Becker's understanding of the specific nature of Islam changed with time: he often took to studying some single aspect of Islam and, in that case, deliberately isolated and emphasized it out of proportion, thus violating the integrity of his own lslamology. In order to study the views of Becker on Islam, therefore, we had to put them together like a jigsaw puzzle trying to isolate and follow his general logic.

My essay does not aim to give a detailed description of Becker's Islamological conceptions; this has already been done in the highly informative book by Waardenburg, J.-J., L'Islam dans le miroir de l'Occident (Paris, 1962). It deals only with ideological-methodological and epistemological principles of Becker's Islamology and the actual and potential role played in the dynamics of that science.Google Scholar

³ DespitealltheeffortsmadebyA.vonKremertofindaharmoniouscombinationofmicro-andmacroanalyses(seeBatunskij, Mark,“AlfredvonKremeralseinerderBegrunderdermodernenIslamkunde”,AnzeigerderÜsterreichischeAkademiederWissenschaften.Philosophisch-historischeKiasse.116(1979),240–260.Google Scholar

⁴ SeeWende, E.,Becker, C.H.,MenschundPoliriker(Stuttgart,1960), p.105.Google Scholar

⁵ “DerIslamalsProblem, ”inBecker, C.H., Islamsiudien(IS), Vol.1(Leipzig, 1924), pp.1–2.Google Scholar

⁶ Ibid., p.2.

⁷ “IstderIslameineGefahrfürunsereKolonien?”IS, Vol.II(Leipzig, 1932), p.156.Google Scholar

⁸ Ibid., pp.156–157(italicsmine).

⁹ Ibid., p.157.

¹⁰ Ibid., p.169.

¹¹ Ibid.

¹² Ibid., p.168.

¹³ Therefore, itisnotbychance, ofcourse, thathavingbecometheMinisterofCultureafterWorldWarI, Beckerspokeagainstaone-sided, onlyliterary-historic-aestheticapproachtothestudyofothercountries, andrequiredtheknowledgeof“nichtnurSprachen, sondernderstaatlichen, wirtschaftlichenundgesellschaftlichenStrukturandererLänderunddesvielgestaltigenDenkensundEmpfindensihrerVölker”(Ritter, H., “DemAndenkenanC.H.Becker, ”DerIslam.38, 3(1963), 274.Google Scholar

¹⁴ “DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”IS.II, 201.Google Scholar

¹⁵ “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.2(italicsmine).

¹⁶ Ibid., pp.2–3.

¹⁷ SeealsoBatunsky, M., “Kproblemevzaimootnosheniireligioznoiipoliticheskoielitnamusul'manskomVostoke, ”Obschchestvo, elitaibiurokratiiavrazvivaiushchikhsiastranakhVosroka(“OntheProblemofRelationshipofReligiousandPoliticalElitesintheMuslimOrient, ”Society, Elite, andBureaucracyinDevelopingOrientalCountries), Vol.1(Moscow, 1974), pp.82–83.Google Scholar

¹⁸ “StaatundMissioninderIslamfrage, ”IS, 1, 218.Google ScholarSeealsoldquo;TheodorNöldeke, ”IS, 1, 515;Google Scholar“MartinHartmann, ”IS, II, 490.Google Scholar

¹⁹ SeeBatunsky, M., “Kvoprosuobideino-metodologicheskikhosnovakhtvorchestvaI.Goldzihera, ”Vestnikistoriimirovoikuirury(OntheProblemofIdeologicalandMethodologicalBasisoftheWorkofI.Goldziher, ”BulletinofHistoryofWorldCulture), 6(Moscow, 1960), 111–117.Google Scholar

²⁰ “StaatundMission, ”pp.218–219(italicsmine).

²¹ Ibid., p.219.AndBeckerassignedevenreligiousfanaticismtotheattributesofanappropriateethnicandpsychologicalcomplex(Ibid.p.222).

²² Ibid., p.218(italicsmine).

²³ “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.5.

²⁴ Inmanyrespects, arepresentativeofthe“socioeconomic”trendthatreducedreligiousideologytoamanifestationofsocialandeconomiccontradictionsandignoredspontaneousprocessesinthereligioussphere, BeckeroftenrefusedtoseeinreligiousmovementsastructuralelementofspiritualhistoryoftheMuslimworldwhichwasdeterminedprimarilybytheformsofconsciousnessthatdevelopedimmanently.OnecannotexpectanythingelsefromBeckerwho, evenwhenyoung, didnotfeel“einInteresseanreintheologischenProblemen”(Wende, , Becker, C.H..MenschundPolitiker, p.17)andwhoneverwasabletosupplementorganicallyasociologicalanalysiswithapsychologicalone.Google Scholar

²⁵ Kremer, A., KulrurgeschichredesOrientsunterdenChalifen, Vol.II(Vienna, 1877), p.29.Google Scholar

²⁶ Kuenen, A., NationalReligionsandUniversalReligions(London, 1882), p.293.Google Scholar

²⁷ Landmann, M., PhilosophischeAntropologie(Berlin, 1955), p.187.Google Scholar

²⁸ And, therefore, itiswrongtoconsiderC.Beckerasupporterof“mono-causalexplanationsofthefoundationsandexpansionofIslam”(Bryan, S.Turner, WeberandIslam:ACriticalStuds[London, 1974], p.32).Google Scholar

²⁹ “Panislamismus, ”IS, II, 232.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid., p.251.

³¹ Renan, E., Islaminauka(IslamandScience)(St.Petersburg, 1883), p.5.Google Scholar

³² “DieAraberalsKolonisatoren, ”IS, II, 8.Google Scholar

³³ Itgoeswithoutsaying, though, thatthenetworkofnotionsmadebyBeckerwasnotverysuitablefordeepstructuralizationofMuslimsocieties:itwasdominatedbyethnicgroupswhileclassesandsocialgroupswerepracticallyeliminated.

³⁴ Thus, inpost-warTurkey“wardiepolitischePraxisbeherrschtvomnationalenlnstinktdertürkischenRasse…dienationalePhantasiebegeistertesichanderIdeeeineskunftigengrossturkischenoderturanischenReiches”(“DieTürkeinachdemWeltkriege, ”IS, II, 442).Google Scholar

³⁵ DieStifterhabendesreinreligiöse[italicsmine]imMenscheninderTiefezuerweckengewusst.DieReligionselbersinddasProduktderAuseinandersetzungderhierdurchangeregtenBewegungmitdenvorgefundenenKulturelementen.AuchdiehöchsteLebenserkenntnisbleibtandieZeitumständegebunden;jadasMilieuwirktaufdieDaueroftmächtigeralsderschöpferischeGedanke”(“ChristentumundIslam, ”IS, I, 400).Google Scholar

³⁶ “KarlVollers, ”IS, II, 453.Google Scholar

³⁷ “IgnazGoldziher, ”IS, II, 500.Google Scholar

³⁸ “IstderIslameineGefahr…?”IS, II, 183.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ibid., p.185(italicsmine).

⁴⁰ Ibid., p.180.

⁴¹ “DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”p.205(italicsmine)

⁴² SeeindetailWende, , C.H.Becker, p.24.Google Scholar

⁴³ InBecker'ssetofrequirementstoHomoIslamicus, therefore, prevailsademandtobringtherationalsphereofthepersonalityirreversiblytotheforeground, andthedemandthatthissphereshouldoverridetheemotional, aesthetic, andsensualaspectsofthatpersonality(see“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”IS, II, 369).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Thatiswhy, inparticular, hesopassionatelypraisedtheroleofIslaminBlackAfricaasbeinghistoricallyprogressive(see“DerIslamunddieKolonisierungAfrikas, ”p.201;“StaatundMissioninderIslamfrage, ”p.218).

⁴⁵ “IstderIslameineGefahr…”p.119.

⁴⁶ “DerIslamu.d.Kolonisierung, ”p.202.

⁴⁷ Ibid., p.205.

⁴⁸ “JuliusWellhausen, ”IS, II, 480.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Waardenburg, , L'lslamdanslemiroirdel'Occident, pp.304–305.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ SeealsoBecker, C.H., “DerWandelimgeschichtlichenBewusstsein, ”DieNeueRundschau, 38(1927), 113–115.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Seeespecially“GrundsätzlicheszurLeben-Muhammed-Forschung, ”IS.I, 52.Google Scholar

⁵² Wende, , p.146.Google Scholar

⁵³ Ibid., p.144.

⁵⁴ Hisinclinationtowardreductionistprocedures(see, forexample.“ChnstentumundIslam, ”IS, I, 402), therefore, isbothundoubtableandquiteunderstandable.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Hedidmuchforthecomprehensionoftheirtremendousroleeveninhisearlyworks, inparticularinBeiträgezurGeschichteägyptensunterdemIslam, (Strassburg, 1902).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ AccordingtoBecker, “allesschöpferischeistIndividualleistung, eineGemeinschaftistnurschöpferischinderGefolgschafteinesführendenIndividuums”(Wende, , p.152).Google ScholarSeealsoBeiträgezurGeschichteägyptensunterdemIslam, I, 189.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See“DerIslamimRahmeneinerallgemeinenKulturgeschichte, ”IS.1, 24, 25.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid., p.25.

⁵⁹ AndthatiswhyBeckerinsistedsostronglythattherewasnothingnewintheChalifatecivilization(“Spengler'sMagischeKultur, ”ZDMG, 78(1923), 28–29.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ “DerIslaminRahmen, ”pp.28–29.

⁶¹ “DerIslamalsProblem, ”p.16.

⁶² Seeespecially“DerIslamalsWeltanschauunginVergangenheitundGegenwart, ”IS, I, 41, ;“ChristentumundIslam, ”p.428;Google Scholar“AltrissderislamischenReligion, ”IS, I, 331;Google Scholar“DertürkischeStaatsgedanke, ”IS, II, 348.Google Scholar

⁶³ Itispossibletofindthisbasis, particularlyinBecker'stendencytobringtogetherasmuchaspossible(withoutgoingtotheextremesofaxiologicalunification, however)IslamandChristianitywithinafundamentallycommonculturalidealandto“deasiatize”byallmeansthetworeligionsand, consequently, theirfuturewaysofdevelopment(see“Islampolitik, ”IS.II, 310).Google ScholarThemainlysecularapproachofBeckercanalsobeseenfromthefactthathewasmoreinterestedinthe“wordly”componentsoftheMuslimandChristiancivilizationsthaninthereligiousones–Asian(firstofall, Persian)inorigin(“LeoFrobenius, ”IS, II, 61).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”IS, II, 367.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ SeealsoBatunsky, M.A., “MusulmanskiiVostok:istochnikisotsiokulturnoidinamikiiorientatsiinauniversal'nyesimvoly, ”Natsional'noeiinternatsional'noevideologiinatsional'no-osvo-boditel'nogodvizheniiaGoogle Scholar(“MuslimOrient:SourcesofSocioculturalDynamicsandOrientationasUniversalSymbols, ”TheNationalandInternationalintheIdeologyoftheNationalLiberationMovement), Vol.II(Moscow, 1974), pp.10–15.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ DieTürkeiimWeltkriege, ”IS, II, 258.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ “DieKriegsdiskussionüberdenHeiligenKrieg, ”IS, II, 320.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Snouck-Hurgronje, Ch., Mohammedanism(NewYork, 1916), pp.16, 52.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Itisonlyinviewofthis“egalitarian”aspectofBecker'swork, whichactuallymakesitpossibletowithdrawtheantithesisoftheWestandtheEast, thatoneshouldinterpretBecker'snotionthatIslamstimulatedthedevelopmentofcultureinBlackAfricaandalsoBecker'sfamousconceptofaclosepositivecorrelationbetweenfieldsofactivityofIslamandcapitalismandtheirinteraction(see“IslamalsWeltanschauung, ”IS, I, 52Google Scholar“IslamundWirtschaft, ”IS, 1, 54–65.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ SeeBatunsky, M., “Onekotorykhtendentsiiakhvsovremennomzapadnomislamovedenii, ”Religiiaiobshchestvennaiamysl'narodovVostoka(“OnSomeTrendsinModernIslamologyintheWest, ”ReligionandSocialThoughtofthePeoplesoftheOrient)(Moscow, 1971), p.236.Google Scholar

⁷¹ “DerIslamalsWeltanschauung, ”p.53s.

⁷² MögederIslamsichallmählichnichtnurdieForm, sondernauchdasWesendesneuenchristlichenEuropazueigenmachen!AuchdaschristlicheMittelalterhatJahrhundertegebraucht, bisesdieneueGedankenweltübersichHerrwerdenliess.AuchimChristentumwarenesUnchristhicheIdeen, diedasNeueschufen, aberdiechristlichenhabensichorganischmitihnenverbunden.SokannsichauchdieWiedergeburtdesOrientsnichtalleindurchImportundNachnahmungeuropäischenGutesvollziehen, sondernhauptsächlichdurchGeistesarbeit, auchaufdemBodenderReligion”(“ChristentumundIslam, ”IS, 1, 429).Seealso“DastürkischeBildungsproblem, ”p.337and“DieTürkennachdemWeltkriege, ”p.449.Google Scholar

⁷³ SeeindetailBatunsky, M., “Razvitiepredstavleniiobislamevzapadnoevropeiskoisrednevekovoiobshchestvennoimysli, ”NarodyAziiiAfriki(“TheDevelopmentofNotionsofIslaminWestern-EuropeanMedievalSocialThought, ”PeoplesofAsiaandAfrica), (Moscow, 1971), 18.Google Scholar