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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 February 2014
Studies of public space focus disproportionately on cities. Complex and densely populated urban built environments—with their streets, plazas, institutional buildings, housing projects, markets—make concrete and visible attempts to manage difference. They also structure the ways that less powerful residents challenge and sometimes remake elites’ spatial visions of the social order. The robust literature in Middle East studies on Islamic cities, colonial cities, dual cities, quarters and ethnicities, port cities, and so forth is no exception to this urban focus.
1 Holston, James and Appadurai, Arjun, “Introduction: Cities and Citizenship,” in Cities and Citizenship, ed. Holston, James (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1999), 2Google Scholar.
2 Harvey, David, Paris, Capital of Modernity (New York: Routledge, 2003), 221Google Scholar.
3 Harvey, David, “The Political Economy of Public Space,” in The Politics of Public Space, ed. Low, Setha and Smith, Neil (New York: Routledge, 2006), 32Google Scholar.
4 Setha Low and Neil Smith, “The Imperative of Public Space,” in Low and Smith, The Politics of Public Space, 3. Excellent studies exist on peasant politics from this period, though they address academic debates on rebellion, states, and political economy more than public space. See, for example, Brown, Nathan, Peasant Politics in Modern Egypt (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Goldberg, Ellis, “Peasants in Revolt: Egypt in 1919,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 24 (1992): 265–80Google Scholar; and Mitchell, Timothy, “The Representation of Rural Violence in Writings on Political Development in Nasserist Egypt,” in Peasants and Politics in the Modern Middle East, ed. Kazemi, Farhad and Waterbury, John (Gainesville, Fla.: University Press of Florida, 1991), 222–51Google Scholar. On the production of Egyptian agricultural public space, see Jennifer L. Derr, “Cultivating the State” (PhD diss., Stanford University, 2009).
5 For discussions of environmental studies of non-Egyptian Middle Eastern deserts, see Trumbull IV, George R., “Body of Work: Water and Reimagining the Sahara in the Era of Decolonization,” in Environmental Imaginaries of the Middle East and North Africa, ed. Davis, Diana K. and Burke, Edmund III (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2011), 87–112Google Scholar; and Bulliet, Richard W., “History and Animal Energy in the Arid Zone,” in Water on Sand: Environmental Histories of the Middle East and North Africa, ed. Mikhail, Alan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 51–69Google Scholar.
6 Elizabeth Blackmar, “Appropriating the ‘Commons’: The Tragedy of Property Rights Discourse,” in Low and Smith, The Politics of Public Space, 49–50.
7 Cartmill, Matt, A View to Death in the Morning: Hunting and Nature through History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), 243Google Scholar.
8 For good recent histories of Dinshaway and its aftermath (albeit with little focus on hunting), see Fahmy, Ziad, Ordinary Egyptians (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2011), 92–95, 104–108Google Scholar; and Esmeir, Samera, Juridical Humanity (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2012), 253–60Google Scholar.
9 For an English transcription of the trial, see Findlay to Gray, 15 July 1906, no. 56, enclosure 2, FO 407/167, National Archives of the United Kingdom.
10 Ibid. See, for instance, the testimony of the tenth witness, Muhammad Omar Zayed, a sixty-year-old Dinshaway resident.
11 Rodd to Lansdowne, Cairo, 25 August 1901. The official British documents about the Blunt property case are collected in Wilfrid Blunt's Egyptian Garden: Fox-Hunting in Cairo (London: The Stationery Office, 1999) [no author], 78.