Author's note: I am indebted to Ali Dessouki. Bahgat Korany, Arthur Stein, Louis Cantori, Afaf Marsot, Peter Diamond, and especially Richard Sklar for helpful comments on earlier versions. However, I do absolve all of them from responsibility for any errors. Personal interviews proved to be invaluable, particularly those with Tahseen Bashir, Usama al-Baz, Ismail Fahmy, Butros Ghali, and Hassan al-Tuhami. I am grateful to all of them for sharing their insights, as well as to Janessa and Suhayla Karawan for their constant support.

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² For Carter's views, see Carter, Jimmy, Keeping Faith (Toronto: Bantam House, 1982), 282–83Google Scholar. For Fahmy's assessment, see Fahmy, Ismail, Negotiating for Peace (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983), 283–90Google Scholar.

³ See Heikal, Mohamed, Autumn of Fury: The Assassination of Sadat (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983), chap. 1Google Scholar; idem, “Egyptian Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 56, 4 (July 1978): 714–27Google Scholar; idem, Hadith al-Mubādara (The Talk of the Initiative) (Beirut: Sharikat al-Matbūʿāt, 1978)Google Scholar; Jumʿa, Salwā Shaʿrāwī, al-Diblūmāsiyya al-Misriyya fi ʿAqd al-Sabʿināt (Egyptian Diplomacy in the Decade of the Seventies) (Beirut: Markaz Dirāsāt al-Wahda al-ʿArabiyya, 1988)Google Scholar; Zahrān, Jamāl, al-Siyāssa al-Khārijiyya li-Misr (The Foreign Policy of Egypt) (Cairo: Madbuli, 1988)Google Scholar; ʿAbd, Muḥammedal-Zayyāt, al-Salām, al-Sādāt: al-Qināʿ wa-al-Haqīqa (Sadat: The Mask and the Reality) (Cairo: Kitāb al-Ahāll, 1989)Google Scholar; Muḥammed, ʿAbd al-ʿAlim, al-Khiṭāb al-Sādātī (The Sadatist Discourse) (Cairo: Kitāb al-Ahāli, 1990), 244–71Google Scholar; al-Khūlī, Lutfi, “Madrasat al-Sādāt al-Siyāsiyya” (Sadat's Political School), a series of articles published in al-Ahrām between 13 06 and 20 August 1975Google Scholar; Israeli, Raphael with Bardenstein, Carol, Man of Defiance (Totowa, N.J.: Barnes and Noble, 1985), 216–47Google Scholar; Ayubi, Shaheen, Sadat and Nasser (Wakefield, N.H.: Longwood Academic, 1992)Google Scholar; Hirst, David and Beeson, Irene, Sadat (London: Faber and Faber, 1981)Google Scholar; Peled, Mattityahu, “The Year of Sadat's Initiative,” in Great Power Intervention in the Middle East, ed. Leitenberg, Milton and Sheffer, Gabriel (New York: Pergamon Press, 1979), 301–12Google Scholar. Relatively fewer studies presented alternative conceptualizations of Egypt's disengagement from the Arab–Israeli conflict. These include Korany, Bahgat, “Egypt's Dependent Development: Pattern of Inter-Arab Politics and the Making of the Camp David Agreements” (Paper presented to the Middle East Studies Association Meeting in San Francisco, 28 November-1 12 1984)Google Scholar; Dessouki, Ali, “The Primacy of Economics: The Foreign Policy of Egypt,” in The Foreign Policies of Arab States, ed. Korany, Bahgat and Dessouki, Ali Hillal (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Telhami, Shibley, Power and Leadership in International Bargaining, the Path to the Camp David Accords (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990)Google Scholar.

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⁷ Hermann, Margaret, “Effects of Personal Characteristics,” 51Google Scholar. For another typology that identified seven situations under which the personal characteristics of political leaders play a decisive role in foreign policy, see Holsti, Ole, “Foreign Policy Formation Viewed Cognitively,” in Structure of Decision, ed. Axelrod, Robert (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976), 30Google Scholar. For studies that adopted this perspective to explain the specificity of LDC foreign policy, see Rosenau, James, “Pre-Theories and Theories of Foreign Policy,” in Approaches to Comparative and International Politics, ed. Farrell, R. Barry (Evanston, III.: Northwestern University Press, 1966)Google Scholar; Thompson, W. Scott, The Foreign Policy of Ghana 1957–1966 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1969)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Zartman, I. William, International Relations in the New Africa (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1966)Google Scholar; Vatikiotis, P. J., Nasser and His Generation (New York: St. Martin, 1978)Google Scholar; Israeli, Raphael, “I, Egypt”: Aspects of President Anwar Al-Sadat's Political Thought (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Dawisha, Adeed, Syria and the Lebanese Crisis (New York: St. Martin, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Clapham, Christopher, “Sub-Saharan Africa,” in Foreign Policy Making in Developing States, ed. Clapham, Christopher (Westmead, Eng.: Saxon House, 1977), 76–109Google Scholar; Michael Leifer, “South East Asia,” ibid., 18–41.

⁸ On the general characteristics of personal regimes, see Jackson, Robert and Roseberg, Carl, “Personal Rule: Theory and Practices in Africa,– Comparative Politics 16, 4 (07 1984): 421–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Middle Eastern cases, see Dawisha, A., “The Middle East,” in Foreign Policy Making, 62–63Google Scholar; Mohamad Hassanein Heikal, “Egyptian Foreign Policy,” ibid., 714–15; Vatikiotis, P. J., “The Foreign Policy of Egypt,” in Foreign Policy in World Politics, ed. Macridis, Roy (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1962), 304Google Scholar.

⁹ Although the Egyptian Foreign Ministry has its specialized structures and highly competent diplomats, its role concerning important matters has been limited. For the general argument on bureaucratic politics, see Allison, Graham, “Conceptual Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis,” American Political Science Review 63, 3 (09 1969): 689–718CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Allison, Graham and Halperin, Morton, “Bureaucratic Politics: A Paradigm and Some Policy Implications,” World Politics 24 (Spring 1972): 40–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Krasner, Stephen D., “Allison's Wonderland: Are Bureaucrats Important?” Foreign Policy 7 (Summer 1972): 159–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For discussions of Third World cases, see East, Maurice, “Size and Foreign Policy Behavior,” World Politics 25, 4 (07 1973): 556–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Foreign Policy Making in Small States,” Policy Sciences 4, 4 (December 1973): 491–508Google Scholar; Weinstein, Franklin B., “The Uses of Foreign Policy in Indonesia: An Approach to the Analysis of Foreign Policy in the Less-Developed Countries,” World Politics 24, 3 (04 1972): 356–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Indonesian Foreign Policy and the Dilemmas of Dependence (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1976)Google Scholar. For studies that aimed at formulating general propositions to explain LDC foreign policy, see Migdal, Joel, “International Structures and External Behavior: Explaining Foreign Policy of the Third World States,” International Relations 4, 5 (05 1974): 510–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Korany, Bahgat, “Foreign Policy in the Third World,” International Political Science Review 5, 1 (1984): 7–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Foreign Policy Models and Their Empirical Relevance to Third World Countries,” International Social Science Journal 26, I (March 1976): 70–94Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Vatikiotis, P. J., “Foreign Policy of Egypt,” in Foreign Policy in World Politics, 340Google Scholar; Dawisha, A. I., Egypt in the Arab World: The Elements of Foreign Policy (London: Macmillan, 1976), 107Google Scholar. See also Salīm, Muḥammad el-Sayyid, al-Taḥlil al-Siyāsī al-Nāṣirī (Nasserist Political Analysis) (Beirut: Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥda al-ʿArabiyya, 1983)Google Scholar; Gomaa, Salwa Sharawi, “Egyptian Diplomacy in the Seventies: A Case Study in Leadership” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1986)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Nasser, Gamal Abdul, Egypt's Liberation: The Philosophy of the Revolution (Washington D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1955), 87–88Google Scholar. See also Naṣr, Marlyn, al-Taṣawwur al-Qawmī al-ʿArabīfī Filer Jamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir (The Arab Nationalist Conception in the Thought of Jamal ʿAbd al-Nasir) (Beirut: Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥda al-ʿArabiyya, 1981)Google Scholar.

¹² Ajami, Fouad, The Arab Predicament (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 94Google Scholar.

¹³ Ibid., 99; Baram, Amatzia, “Territorial Nationalism in the Middle East,” Middle Eastern Studies 26, 4 (October 1990): 431–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Israeli, Raphael, “Sadat between Arabism and Africanism,” Middle East Review 11, 3 (Spring 1979): 39–48Google Scholar. See Aronson, Shlomo, Sadat's Initiative and Israel's Response: The Strategy of Peace and the Strategy of Strategy, n. 14 (Los Angeles, Calif.: Center for Arms Control and International Security, UCLA, 1978), 1–5Google Scholar; Burrell, R. Michael and Kelidar, Abbas, Egypt: The Dilemmas of a Nation (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1977), 58Google Scholar. Salwa Gomaa argued that Sadat's selfimage played a predominant role in influencing his objectives and actions. According to her, in studying his foreign policy, one of the main questions has to be: “Did Sadat see himself as an Arab or an Egyptian?… The question of identity is very important because if Sadat saw himself principally as an Arab, then his definition of any given situation, his objectives, and his strategy have to be tied to Arab aspirations, acceptance, and support. But if he saw himself as an Egyptian first of all, then his definition of the situation would be more flexible.” Gomaa, , Egyptian Diplomacy in the Seventies, 12–13, 53–56Google Scholar. Another study based in part on analyzing the political language used by Egyptian leaders concluded that, whereas “Nasser perceived Egypt as merely a part of the Arab ummah, Sadat perceived Egypt as a nation by itself.” Mustafa, Muhammad Hussein, “The Role of Cognitive Perceptions: Nasser and Sadat” (Ph.D. diss., Boston University, 1985), 377Google Scholar. For the detailed comparison, see ibid., 348–425.

¹⁴ Ajami, , Arab Predicament, 94Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Dishon, Daniel, “Sadat's Arab Adversaries,” Jerusalem Quarterly 8 (Summer 1978): 13–15.Google ScholarAccording to Quandt, Sadat had “informed Secretary [of State Cyrus] Vance in 08 1977Google Scholar that a single Arab delegation [to the suggested Geneva conference would] lead to an ‘explosion’, because of attempts by each Arab party to impose its will on the others. Egypt in particular … could not accept Arab dictation of what it can and cannot accept.” Quandt, William, Camp David: Peacemaking and Politics (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1986), 88, 135.Google ScholarDuring the summer and early fall of 1977Google Scholar, Syria insisted that any peace negotiations would have to take place between a unified Arab delegation, including the PLO, and Israel according to a formula characterized on the Arab side by collective bargaining and mutual vetoes. On 22 October 1977, Assad's envoy, General Naji al-Jamil, discussed the Syrian position with Sadat and reportedly lectured him “on his duty as an Arab nationalist, which greatly irritated the Egyptian leader.” (ibid., 142). See also al-Ahrām, 27 11 1977Google Scholar; Karawan, Ibrahim, “Sadat on the Road to Jerusalem: Four Levels of Analysis” (Paper presented at the Middle East Studies Association Annual meeting in Seattle, 11 1981), 23–24Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Many studies focused on Sadat's anti-Sovietism as an explanation of his pursuit of a separate peace with Israel, particularly after the Soviet–American communique of 1 10 1977Google Scholar. For examples, see Tucker, Robert, “The Middle East: For a Separate Peace,” Commentary 65, 3 (03 1978): 25–31;Google ScholarAvineri, Shlomo, “Peacemaking: The Arab-Israeli Conflict,” Foreign Affairs 57, 1 (Fall 1978): 51–69;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBen-Dor, Gabriel, interview with Point International, 19 12 1977, 16Google Scholar. However, in assessing this argument it is important first to recall that the communique mentioned earlier did not last more than a few days due to opposition by Israel and the pro-Israeli lobby in the United States; see Cohen, Raymond, “Israel and the Soviet-American Statement of October 1, 1977: The Limits of Patron-Client Influence,” Orbis 22, 3 (Fall 1978): 613–33Google Scholar. Second, Sadat's assessment of the communique was rather mixed. On the one hand, in his public statements (which aimed primarily at ridiculing the Soviet Union's leftist friends in Egypt and the Arab world), he characterized the communique as one more proof of the similarity of the basic positions of the superpowers, regardless of any allegations to the contrary. As Sadat pointed out, the communique had shown that the Soviet position has taken a step backward by supporting normalization of relations between the parties, dropping the PLO's name as far as Palestinian representation was concerned, and accepting less than total Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Arab lands. The American position took a step forward by accepting to treat the Palestinian problem as a core issue of the conflict and recognizing the “national rights of the Palestinian people.” See al-Ahrām, 710 1977Google Scholar and Akhbār al-Yawm, 16 10 1977Google Scholar. On the other hand, in his dealings with American officials he described the communiqué as “a brilliant maneuver” to pressure Syria to adopt a more flexible position in the Geneva conference; see Eilts, Ambassador Hermann, “The Syrians Have Been Their Own Worst Enemies,” New York Times, 12 01 1982Google Scholar; Quandt, , Camp David, 123Google Scholar.

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¹⁹ el-Sadat, Anwar, In Search of Identity (New York: Harper & Row, 1978), 284Google Scholar.

²⁰ al-Sādāt, Anwār, Wasiyyatī (My Will) (Cairo: al-Maktab al-Misrī al-Hadīth, 1982), 151–52Google Scholar.

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²² See quotations from Sadat's speeches in Zahrān, , al-Siyāsa al-Khārijiyya li-Misr, 259–79Google Scholar. For more, see Rubinstein, Alvin, Red Star on the Nile (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1977)Google Scholar; Ramet, Petro, Sadat and the Kremlin (Los Angeles: California Seminar on Arms Control and Foreign Policy, 1980)Google Scholar.

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²⁴ Interview with a former high-ranking official, Cairo, 09 1979Google Scholar; also see Sadat, , In Search of Identity, 225–26Google Scholar.

²⁵ Al-Ahrām, 27 11 1977Google Scholar. On the foreign-policy and security implications of Egypt's global realignment in the mid-1970s, see Karawan, Ibrahim, “Egypt and the Western Alliance: The Politics of Westomania?” in The Middle East and the Western Alliance, ed. Spiegel, Steven (London: Allen and Unwin, 1982), 163–81Google Scholar; idem, “Egypt's Defense Policy,” in Defense Planning in Less-Industrialized States, ed. Neuman, Stephanie (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1984), 147–65Google Scholar.

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²⁷ Quoted in Indyk, Martin, To the Ends of the Earth: Sadat's Jerusalem Initiative (Cambridge: Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University, 1984), 20Google Scholar. See also ʿAbdal-Rāziq, Huṣayn, Misṛ fi 18 wa-19 Yanāyir (Egypt on the 18th and 19th of January) (Beirut: Dār al-Kalima, 1984), 13–86Google Scholar; Bāshā, Haṣan Abū, Mudhakkirāt ft al-Amn wa-al-Siyāsa (Memoirs in Security and Politics) (Cairo: Dār al- Hillāl, 1990), 50–55.Google Scholar

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